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Path: blob/master/Book Recommendations from Charles Darwin/datasets/Autobiography.txt
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THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF CHARLES DARWIN
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From The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin
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By Charles Darwin
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Edited by his Son Francis Darwin
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[My father's autobiographical recollections, given in the present
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chapter, were written for his children,--and written without any
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thought that they would ever be published. To many this may seem an
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impossibility; but those who knew my father will understand how it was
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not only possible, but natural. The autobiography bears the heading,
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'Recollections of the Development of my Mind and Character,' and end
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with the following note:--"Aug. 3, 1876. This sketch of my life was
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begun about May 28th at Hopedene (Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood's house in
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Surrey.), and since then I have written for nearly an hour on most
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afternoons." It will easily be understood that, in a narrative of a
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personal and intimate kind written for his wife and children, passages
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should occur which must here be omitted; and I have not thought it
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necessary to indicate where such omissions are made. It has been found
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necessary to make a few corrections of obvious verbal slips, but the
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number of such alterations has been kept down to the minimum.--F.D.]
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A German Editor having written to me for an account of the development
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of my mind and character with some sketch of my autobiography, I have
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thought that the attempt would amuse me, and might possibly interest
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my children or their children. I know that it would have interested me
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greatly to have read even so short and dull a sketch of the mind of my
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grandfather, written by himself, and what he thought and did, and how he
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worked. I have attempted to write the following account of myself, as if
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I were a dead man in another world looking back at my own life. Nor have
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I found this difficult, for life is nearly over with me. I have taken no
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pains about my style of writing.
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I was born at Shrewsbury on February 12th, 1809, and my earliest
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recollection goes back only to when I was a few months over four years
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old, when we went to near Abergele for sea-bathing, and I recollect some
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events and places there with some little distinctness.
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My mother died in July 1817, when I was a little over eight years old,
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and it is odd that I can remember hardly anything about her except
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her death-bed, her black velvet gown, and her curiously constructed
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work-table. In the spring of this same year I was sent to a day-school
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in Shrewsbury, where I stayed a year. I have been told that I was much
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slower in learning than my younger sister Catherine, and I believe that
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I was in many ways a naughty boy.
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By the time I went to this day-school (Kept by Rev. G. Case, minister of
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the Unitarian Chapel in the High Street. Mrs. Darwin was a Unitarian
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and attended Mr. Case's chapel, and my father as a little boy went there
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with his elder sisters. But both he and his brother were christened and
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intended to belong to the Church of England; and after his early boyhood
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he seems usually to have gone to church and not to Mr. Case's. It
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appears ("St. James' Gazette", Dec. 15, 1883) that a mural tablet has
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been erected to his memory in the chapel, which is now known as the
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'Free Christian Church.') my taste for natural history, and more
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especially for collecting, was well developed. I tried to make out
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the names of plants (Rev. W.A. Leighton, who was a schoolfellow of my
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father's at Mr. Case's school, remembers his bringing a flower to school
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and saying that his mother had taught him how by looking at the inside
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of the blossom the name of the plant could be discovered. Mr. Leighton
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goes on, "This greatly roused my attention and curiosity, and I enquired
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of him repeatedly how this could be done?"--but his lesson was naturally
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enough not transmissible.--F.D.), and collected all sorts of things,
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shells, seals, franks, coins, and minerals. The passion for collecting
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which leads a man to be a systematic naturalist, a virtuoso, or a miser,
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was very strong in me, and was clearly innate, as none of my sisters or
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brother ever had this taste.
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One little event during this year has fixed itself very firmly in my
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mind, and I hope that it has done so from my conscience having been
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afterwards sorely troubled by it; it is curious as showing that
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apparently I was interested at this early age in the variability of
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plants! I told another little boy (I believe it was Leighton, who
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afterwards became a well-known lichenologist and botanist), that I could
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produce variously coloured polyanthuses and primroses by watering them
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with certain coloured fluids, which was of course a monstrous fable, and
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had never been tried by me. I may here also confess that as a little boy
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I was much given to inventing deliberate falsehoods, and this was always
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done for the sake of causing excitement. For instance, I once gathered
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much valuable fruit from my father's trees and hid it in the shrubbery,
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and then ran in breathless haste to spread the news that I had
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discovered a hoard of stolen fruit.
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I must have been a very simple little fellow when I first went to the
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school. A boy of the name of Garnett took me into a cake shop one day,
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and bought some cakes for which he did not pay, as the shopman trusted
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him. When we came out I asked him why he did not pay for them, and he
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instantly answered, "Why, do you not know that my uncle left a great
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sum of money to the town on condition that every tradesman should give
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whatever was wanted without payment to any one who wore his old hat and
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moved [it] in a particular manner?" and he then showed me how it was
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moved. He then went into another shop where he was trusted, and asked
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for some small article, moving his hat in the proper manner, and of
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course obtained it without payment. When we came out he said, "Now if
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you like to go by yourself into that cake-shop (how well I remember its
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exact position) I will lend you my hat, and you can get whatever you
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like if you move the hat on your head properly." I gladly accepted the
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generous offer, and went in and asked for some cakes, moved the old hat
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and was walking out of the shop, when the shopman made a rush at me, so
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I dropped the cakes and ran for dear life, and was astonished by being
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greeted with shouts of laughter by my false friend Garnett.
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I can say in my own favour that I was as a boy humane, but I owed this
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entirely to the instruction and example of my sisters. I doubt indeed
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whether humanity is a natural or innate quality. I was very fond of
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collecting eggs, but I never took more than a single egg out of a bird's
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nest, except on one single occasion, when I took all, not for their
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value, but from a sort of bravado.
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I had a strong taste for angling, and would sit for any number of hours
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on the bank of a river or pond watching the float; when at Maer (The
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house of his uncle, Josiah Wedgwood.) I was told that I could kill the
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worms with salt and water, and from that day I never spitted a living
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worm, though at the expense probably of some loss of success.
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Once as a very little boy whilst at the day school, or before that time,
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I acted cruelly, for I beat a puppy, I believe, simply from enjoying
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the sense of power; but the beating could not have been severe, for
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the puppy did not howl, of which I feel sure, as the spot was near
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the house. This act lay heavily on my conscience, as is shown by my
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remembering the exact spot where the crime was committed. It probably
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lay all the heavier from my love of dogs being then, and for a long time
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afterwards, a passion. Dogs seemed to know this, for I was an adept in
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robbing their love from their masters.
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I remember clearly only one other incident during this year whilst at
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Mr. Case's daily school,--namely, the burial of a dragoon soldier; and
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it is surprising how clearly I can still see the horse with the man's
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empty boots and carbine suspended to the saddle, and the firing over the
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grave. This scene deeply stirred whatever poetic fancy there was in me.
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In the summer of 1818 I went to Dr. Butler's great school in Shrewsbury,
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and remained there for seven years still Midsummer 1825, when I was
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sixteen years old. I boarded at this school, so that I had the great
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advantage of living the life of a true schoolboy; but as the distance
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was hardly more than a mile to my home, I very often ran there in the
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longer intervals between the callings over and before locking up at
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night. This, I think, was in many ways advantageous to me by keeping up
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home affections and interests. I remember in the early part of my school
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life that I often had to run very quickly to be in time, and from being
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a fleet runner was generally successful; but when in doubt I prayed
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earnestly to God to help me, and I well remember that I attributed my
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success to the prayers and not to my quick running, and marvelled how
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generally I was aided.
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I have heard my father and elder sister say that I had, as a very young
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boy, a strong taste for long solitary walks; but what I thought about I
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know not. I often became quite absorbed, and once, whilst returning to
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school on the summit of the old fortifications round Shrewsbury, which
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had been converted into a public foot-path with no parapet on one side,
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I walked off and fell to the ground, but the height was only seven or
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eight feet. Nevertheless the number of thoughts which passed through my
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mind during this very short, but sudden and wholly unexpected fall, was
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astonishing, and seem hardly compatible with what physiologists have, I
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believe, proved about each thought requiring quite an appreciable amount
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of time.
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Nothing could have been worse for the development of my mind than
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Dr. Butler's school, as it was strictly classical, nothing else being
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taught, except a little ancient geography and history. The school as a
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means of education to me was simply a blank. During my whole life I have
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been singularly incapable of mastering any language. Especial attention
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was paid to verse-making, and this I could never do well. I had many
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friends, and got together a good collection of old verses, which by
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patching together, sometimes aided by other boys, I could work into any
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subject. Much attention was paid to learning by heart the lessons of the
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previous day; this I could effect with great facility, learning forty or
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fifty lines of Virgil or Homer, whilst I was in morning chapel; but
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this exercise was utterly useless, for every verse was forgotten
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in forty-eight hours. I was not idle, and with the exception of
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versification, generally worked conscientiously at my classics, not
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using cribs. The sole pleasure I ever received from such studies, was
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from some of the odes of Horace, which I admired greatly.
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When I left the school I was for my age neither high nor low in it; and
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I believe that I was considered by all my masters and by my father as a
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very ordinary boy, rather below the common standard in intellect. To my
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deep mortification my father once said to me, "You care for nothing but
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shooting, dogs, and rat-catching, and you will be a disgrace to yourself
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and all your family." But my father, who was the kindest man I ever
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knew and whose memory I love with all my heart, must have been angry and
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somewhat unjust when he used such words.
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Looking back as well as I can at my character during my school life, the
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only qualities which at this period promised well for the future,
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were, that I had strong and diversified tastes, much zeal for whatever
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interested me, and a keen pleasure in understanding any complex subject
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or thing. I was taught Euclid by a private tutor, and I distinctly
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remember the intense satisfaction which the clear geometrical proofs
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gave me. I remember, with equal distinctness, the delight which my uncle
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gave me (the father of Francis Galton) by explaining the principle
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of the vernier of a barometer with respect to diversified tastes,
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independently of science, I was fond of reading various books, and
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I used to sit for hours reading the historical plays of Shakespeare,
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generally in an old window in the thick walls of the school. I read also
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other poetry, such as Thomson's 'Seasons,' and the recently published
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poems of Byron and Scott. I mention this because later in life I
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wholly lost, to my great regret, all pleasure from poetry of any kind,
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including Shakespeare. In connection with pleasure from poetry, I may
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add that in 1822 a vivid delight in scenery was first awakened in my
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mind, during a riding tour on the borders of Wales, and this has lasted
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longer than any other aesthetic pleasure.
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Early in my school days a boy had a copy of the 'Wonders of the World,'
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which I often read, and disputed with other boys about the veracity of
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some of the statements; and I believe that this book first gave me a
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wish to travel in remote countries, which was ultimately fulfilled
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by the voyage of the "Beagle". In the latter part of my school life
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I became passionately fond of shooting; I do not believe that any
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one could have shown more zeal for the most holy cause than I did for
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shooting birds. How well I remember killing my first snipe, and my
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excitement was so great that I had much difficulty in reloading my gun
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from the trembling of my hands. This taste long continued, and I became
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a very good shot. When at Cambridge I used to practise throwing up my
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gun to my shoulder before a looking-glass to see that I threw it up
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straight. Another and better plan was to get a friend to wave about a
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lighted candle, and then to fire at it with a cap on the nipple, and if
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the aim was accurate the little puff of air would blow out the candle.
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The explosion of the cap caused a sharp crack, and I was told that the
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tutor of the college remarked, "What an extraordinary thing it is, Mr.
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Darwin seems to spend hours in cracking a horse-whip in his room, for I
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often hear the crack when I pass under his windows."
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I had many friends amongst the schoolboys, whom I loved dearly, and I
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think that my disposition was then very affectionate.
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With respect to science, I continued collecting minerals with much zeal,
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but quite unscientifically--all that I cared about was a new-_named_
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mineral, and I hardly attempted to classify them. I must have observed
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insects with some little care, for when ten years old (1819) I went for
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three weeks to Plas Edwards on the sea-coast in Wales, I was very much
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interested and surprised at seeing a large black and scarlet Hemipterous
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insect, many moths (Zygaena), and a Cicindela which are not found in
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Shropshire. I almost made up my mind to begin collecting all the insects
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which I could find dead, for on consulting my sister I concluded that it
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was not right to kill insects for the sake of making a collection. From
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reading White's 'Selborne,' I took much pleasure in watching the
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habits of birds, and even made notes on the subject. In my simplicity I
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remember wondering why every gentleman did not become an ornithologist.
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Towards the close of my school life, my brother worked hard at
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chemistry, and made a fair laboratory with proper apparatus in the
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tool-house in the garden, and I was allowed to aid him as a servant in
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most of his experiments. He made all the gases and many compounds, and
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I read with great care several books on chemistry, such as Henry and
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Parkes' 'Chemical Catechism.' The subject interested me greatly, and we
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often used to go on working till rather late at night. This was the best
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part of my education at school, for it showed me practically the meaning
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of experimental science. The fact that we worked at chemistry somehow
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got known at school, and as it was an unprecedented fact, I was
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nicknamed "Gas." I was also once publicly rebuked by the head-master,
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Dr. Butler, for thus wasting my time on such useless subjects; and he
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called me very unjustly a "poco curante," and as I did not understand
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what he meant, it seemed to me a fearful reproach.
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As I was doing no good at school, my father wisely took me away at a
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rather earlier age than usual, and sent me (Oct. 1825) to Edinburgh
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University with my brother, where I stayed for two years or sessions. My
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brother was completing his medical studies, though I do not believe he
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ever really intended to practise, and I was sent there to commence
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them. But soon after this period I became convinced from various small
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circumstances that my father would leave me property enough to subsist
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on with some comfort, though I never imagined that I should be so rich a
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man as I am; but my belief was sufficient to check any strenuous efforts
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to learn medicine.
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The instruction at Edinburgh was altogether by lectures, and these were
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intolerably dull, with the exception of those on chemistry by Hope; but
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to my mind there are no advantages and many disadvantages in lectures
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compared with reading. Dr. Duncan's lectures on Materia Medica at 8
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o'clock on a winter's morning are something fearful to remember. Dr.----
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made his lectures on human anatomy as dull as he was himself, and the
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subject disgusted me. It has proved one of the greatest evils in my life
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that I was not urged to practise dissection, for I should soon have got
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over my disgust; and the practice would have been invaluable for all
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my future work. This has been an irremediable evil, as well as my
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incapacity to draw. I also attended regularly the clinical wards in the
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hospital. Some of the cases distressed me a good deal, and I still have
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vivid pictures before me of some of them; but I was not so foolish as to
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allow this to lessen my attendance. I cannot understand why this part
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of my medical course did not interest me in a greater degree; for during
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the summer before coming to Edinburgh I began attending some of the poor
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people, chiefly children and women in Shrewsbury: I wrote down as full
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an account as I could of the case with all the symptoms, and read them
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aloud to my father, who suggested further inquiries and advised me what
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medicines to give, which I made up myself. At one time I had at least a
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dozen patients, and I felt a keen interest in the work. My father, who
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was by far the best judge of character whom I ever knew, declared that
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I should make a successful physician,--meaning by this one who would
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get many patients. He maintained that the chief element of success was
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exciting confidence; but what he saw in me which convinced him that I
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should create confidence I know not. I also attended on two occasions
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the operating theatre in the hospital at Edinburgh, and saw two very
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bad operations, one on a child, but I rushed away before they were
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completed. Nor did I ever attend again, for hardly any inducement would
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have been strong enough to make me do so; this being long before the
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blessed days of chloroform. The two cases fairly haunted me for many a
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long year.
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My brother stayed only one year at the University, so that during the
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second year I was left to my own resources; and this was an advantage,
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for I became well acquainted with several young men fond of natural
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science. One of these was Ainsworth, who afterwards published his
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travels in Assyria; he was a Wernerian geologist, and knew a little
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about many subjects. Dr. Coldstream was a very different young man,
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prim, formal, highly religious, and most kind-hearted; he afterwards
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published some good zoological articles. A third young man was Hardie,
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who would, I think, have made a good botanist, but died early in
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India. Lastly, Dr. Grant, my senior by several years, but how I became
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acquainted with him I cannot remember; he published some first-rate
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zoological papers, but after coming to London as Professor in University
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College, he did nothing more in science, a fact which has always been
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inexplicable to me. I knew him well; he was dry and formal in manner,
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with much enthusiasm beneath this outer crust. He one day, when we were
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walking together, burst forth in high admiration of Lamarck and his
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views on evolution. I listened in silent astonishment, and as far as
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I can judge without any effect on my mind. I had previously read the
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'Zoonomia' of my grandfather, in which similar views are maintained, but
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without producing any effect on me. Nevertheless it is probable that the
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hearing rather early in life such views maintained and praised may
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have favoured my upholding them under a different form in my 'Origin of
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Species.' At this time I admired greatly the 'Zoonomia;' but on reading
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it a second time after an interval of ten or fifteen years, I was much
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disappointed; the proportion of speculation being so large to the facts
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given.
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Drs. Grant and Coldstream attended much to marine Zoology, and I often
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accompanied the former to collect animals in the tidal pools, which I
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dissected as well as I could. I also became friends with some of the
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Newhaven fishermen, and sometimes accompanied them when they trawled
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for oysters, and thus got many specimens. But from not having had any
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regular practice in dissection, and from possessing only a wretched
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microscope, my attempts were very poor. Nevertheless I made one
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interesting little discovery, and read, about the beginning of the year
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1826, a short paper on the subject before the Plinian Society. This was
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that the so-called ova of Flustra had the power of independent movement
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by means of cilia, and were in fact larvae. In another short paper I
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showed that the little globular bodies which had been supposed to be
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the young state of Fucus loreus were the egg-cases of the wormlike
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Pontobdella muricata.
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The Plinian Society was encouraged and, I believe, founded by Professor
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Jameson: it consisted of students and met in an underground room in
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the University for the sake of reading papers on natural science and
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discussing them. I used regularly to attend, and the meetings had a
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good effect on me in stimulating my zeal and giving me new congenial
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acquaintances. One evening a poor young man got up, and after stammering
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for a prodigious length of time, blushing crimson, he at last slowly
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got out the words, "Mr. President, I have forgotten what I was going to
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say." The poor fellow looked quite overwhelmed, and all the members
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were so surprised that no one could think of a word to say to cover his
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confusion. The papers which were read to our little society were not
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printed, so that I had not the satisfaction of seeing my paper in print;
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but I believe Dr. Grant noticed my small discovery in his excellent
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memoir on Flustra.
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I was also a member of the Royal Medical Society, and attended pretty
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regularly; but as the subjects were exclusively medical, I did not much
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care about them. Much rubbish was talked there, but there were some good
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speakers, of whom the best was the present Sir J. Kay-Shuttleworth. Dr.
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Grant took me occasionally to the meetings of the Wernerian Society,
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where various papers on natural history were read, discussed, and
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afterwards published in the 'Transactions.' I heard Audubon deliver
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there some interesting discourses on the habits of N. American birds,
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sneering somewhat unjustly at Waterton. By the way, a negro lived in
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Edinburgh, who had travelled with Waterton, and gained his livelihood
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by stuffing birds, which he did excellently: he gave me lessons for
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payment, and I used often to sit with him, for he was a very pleasant
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and intelligent man.
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Mr. Leonard Horner also took me once to a meeting of the Royal Society
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of Edinburgh, where I saw Sir Walter Scott in the chair as President,
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and he apologised to the meeting as not feeling fitted for such a
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position. I looked at him and at the whole scene with some awe and
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reverence, and I think it was owing to this visit during my youth, and
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to my having attended the Royal Medical Society, that I felt the honour
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of being elected a few years ago an honorary member of both these
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Societies, more than any other similar honour. If I had been told at
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that time that I should one day have been thus honoured, I declare that
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I should have thought it as ridiculous and improbable, as if I had been
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told that I should be elected King of England.
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During my second year at Edinburgh I attended ----'s lectures on
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Geology and Zoology, but they were incredibly dull. The sole effect they
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produced on me was the determination never as long as I lived to read
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a book on Geology, or in any way to study the science. Yet I feel sure
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that I was prepared for a philosophical treatment of the subject; for
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an old Mr. Cotton in Shropshire, who knew a good deal about rocks,
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had pointed out to me two or three years previously a well-known large
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erratic boulder in the town of Shrewsbury, called the "bell-stone"; he
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told me that there was no rock of the same kind nearer than Cumberland
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or Scotland, and he solemnly assured me that the world would come to an
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end before any one would be able to explain how this stone came where
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it now lay. This produced a deep impression on me, and I meditated over
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this wonderful stone. So that I felt the keenest delight when I first
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read of the action of icebergs in transporting boulders, and I gloried
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in the progress of Geology. Equally striking is the fact that I, though
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now only sixty-seven years old, heard the Professor, in a field lecture
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at Salisbury Craigs, discoursing on a trapdyke, with amygdaloidal
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margins and the strata indurated on each side, with volcanic rocks all
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around us, say that it was a fissure filled with sediment from above,
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adding with a sneer that there were men who maintained that it had
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been injected from beneath in a molten condition. When I think of this
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lecture, I do not wonder that I determined never to attend to Geology.
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From attending ----'s lectures, I became acquainted with the curator
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of the museum, Mr. Macgillivray, who afterwards published a large
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and excellent book on the birds of Scotland. I had much interesting
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natural-history talk with him, and he was very kind to me. He gave me
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some rare shells, for I at that time collected marine mollusca, but with
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no great zeal.
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My summer vacations during these two years were wholly given up to
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amusements, though I always had some book in hand, which I read with
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interest. During the summer of 1826 I took a long walking tour with
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two friends with knapsacks on our backs through North wales. We walked
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thirty miles most days, including one day the ascent of Snowdon. I
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also went with my sister a riding tour in North Wales, a servant with
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saddle-bags carrying our clothes. The autumns were devoted to shooting
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chiefly at Mr. Owen's, at Woodhouse, and at my Uncle Jos's (Josiah
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Wedgwood, the son of the founder of the Etruria Works.) at Maer. My zeal
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was so great that I used to place my shooting-boots open by my bed-side
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when I went to bed, so as not to lose half a minute in putting them on
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in the morning; and on one occasion I reached a distant part of the Maer
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estate, on the 20th of August for black-game shooting, before I could
435
see: I then toiled on with the game-keeper the whole day through thick
436
heath and young Scotch firs.
437
438
I kept an exact record of every bird which I shot throughout the whole
439
season. One day when shooting at Woodhouse with Captain Owen, the eldest
440
son, and Major Hill, his cousin, afterwards Lord Berwick, both of whom I
441
liked very much, I thought myself shamefully used, for every time after
442
I had fired and thought that I had killed a bird, one of the two acted
443
as if loading his gun, and cried out, "You must not count that bird,
444
for I fired at the same time," and the gamekeeper, perceiving the joke,
445
backed them up. After some hours they told me the joke, but it was no
446
joke to me, for I had shot a large number of birds, but did not know how
447
many, and could not add them to my list, which I used to do by making a
448
knot in a piece of string tied to a button-hole. This my wicked friends
449
had perceived.
450
451
How I did enjoy shooting! But I think that I must have been
452
half-consciously ashamed of my zeal, for I tried to persuade myself
453
that shooting was almost an intellectual employment; it required so much
454
skill to judge where to find most game and to hunt the dogs well.
455
456
One of my autumnal visits to Maer in 1827 was memorable from meeting
457
there Sir J. Mackintosh, who was the best converser I ever listened
458
to. I heard afterwards with a glow of pride that he had said, "There
459
is something in that young man that interests me." This must have been
460
chiefly due to his perceiving that I listened with much interest to
461
everything which he said, for I was as ignorant as a pig about his
462
subjects of history, politics, and moral philosophy. To hear of praise
463
from an eminent person, though no doubt apt or certain to excite vanity,
464
is, I think, good for a young man, as it helps to keep him in the right
465
course.
466
467
My visits to Maer during these two or three succeeding years were quite
468
delightful, independently of the autumnal shooting. Life there was
469
perfectly free; the country was very pleasant for walking or riding;
470
and in the evening there was much very agreeable conversation, not
471
so personal as it generally is in large family parties, together with
472
music. In the summer the whole family used often to sit on the steps
473
of the old portico, with the flower-garden in front, and with the steep
474
wooded bank opposite the house reflected in the lake, with here and
475
there a fish rising or a water-bird paddling about. Nothing has left a
476
more vivid picture on my mind than these evenings at Maer. I was
477
also attached to and greatly revered my Uncle Jos; he was silent and
478
reserved, so as to be a rather awful man; but he sometimes talked openly
479
with me. He was the very type of an upright man, with the clearest
480
judgment. I do not believe that any power on earth could have made him
481
swerve an inch from what he considered the right course. I used to apply
482
to him in my mind the well-known ode of Horace, now forgotten by me, in
483
which the words "nec vultus tyranni, etc.," come in.
484
485
(Justum et tenacem propositi virum
486
Non civium ardor prava jubentium
487
Non vultus instantis tyranni
488
Mente quatit solida.)
489
490
491
492
493
CAMBRIDGE 1828-1831.
494
495
After having spent two sessions in Edinburgh, my father perceived, or
496
he heard from my sisters, that I did not like the thought of being a
497
physician, so he proposed that I should become a clergyman. He was very
498
properly vehement against my turning into an idle sporting man, which
499
then seemed my probable destination. I asked for some time to consider,
500
as from what little I had heard or thought on the subject I had scruples
501
about declaring my belief in all the dogmas of the Church of England;
502
though otherwise I liked the thought of being a country clergyman.
503
Accordingly I read with care 'Pearson on the Creed,' and a few other
504
books on divinity; and as I did not then in the least doubt the strict
505
and literal truth of every word in the Bible, I soon persuaded myself
506
that our Creed must be fully accepted.
507
508
Considering how fiercely I have been attacked by the orthodox, it seems
509
ludicrous that I once intended to be a clergyman. Nor was this intention
510
and my father's wish ever formerly given up, but died a natural death
511
when, on leaving Cambridge, I joined the "Beagle" as naturalist. If the
512
phrenologists are to be trusted, I was well fitted in one respect to be
513
a clergyman. A few years ago the secretaries of a German psychological
514
society asked me earnestly by letter for a photograph of myself; and
515
some time afterwards I received the proceedings of one of the meetings,
516
in which it seemed that the shape of my head had been the subject of a
517
public discussion, and one of the speakers declared that I had the bump
518
of reverence developed enough for ten priests.
519
520
As it was decided that I should be a clergyman, it was necessary that I
521
should go to one of the English universities and take a degree; but as
522
I had never opened a classical book since leaving school, I found to
523
my dismay, that in the two intervening years I had actually forgotten,
524
incredible as it may appear, almost everything which I had learnt,
525
even to some few of the Greek letters. I did not therefore proceed to
526
Cambridge at the usual time in October, but worked with a private tutor
527
in Shrewsbury, and went to Cambridge after the Christmas vacation, early
528
in 1828. I soon recovered my school standard of knowledge, and could
529
translate easy Greek books, such as Homer and the Greek Testament, with
530
moderate facility.
531
532
During the three years which I spent at Cambridge my time was wasted,
533
as far as the academical studies were concerned, as completely as at
534
Edinburgh and at school. I attempted mathematics, and even went during
535
the summer of 1828 with a private tutor (a very dull man) to Barmouth,
536
but I got on very slowly. The work was repugnant to me, chiefly from my
537
not being able to see any meaning in the early steps in algebra. This
538
impatience was very foolish, and in after years I have deeply regretted
539
that I did not proceed far enough at least to understand something of
540
the great leading principles of mathematics, for men thus endowed seem
541
to have an extra sense. But I do not believe that I should ever have
542
succeeded beyond a very low grade. With respect to Classics I did
543
nothing except attend a few compulsory college lectures, and the
544
attendance was almost nominal. In my second year I had to work for a
545
month or two to pass the Little-Go, which I did easily. Again, in my
546
last year I worked with some earnestness for my final degree of B.A.,
547
and brushed up my Classics, together with a little Algebra and Euclid,
548
which latter gave me much pleasure, as it did at school. In order to
549
pass the B.A. examination, it was also necessary to get up Paley's
550
'Evidences of Christianity,' and his 'Moral Philosophy.' This was done
551
in a thorough manner, and I am convinced that I could have written out
552
the whole of the 'Evidences' with perfect correctness, but not of course
553
in the clear language of Paley. The logic of this book and, as I may
554
add, of his 'Natural Theology,' gave me as much delight as did Euclid.
555
The careful study of these works, without attempting to learn any part
556
by rote, was the only part of the academical course which, as I then
557
felt and as I still believe, was of the least use to me in the education
558
of my mind. I did not at that time trouble myself about Paley's
559
premises; and taking these on trust, I was charmed and convinced by the
560
long line of argumentation. By answering well the examination questions
561
in Paley, by doing Euclid well, and by not failing miserably in
562
Classics, I gained a good place among the oi polloi or crowd of men who
563
do not go in for honours. Oddly enough, I cannot remember how high I
564
stood, and my memory fluctuates between the fifth, tenth, or twelfth,
565
name on the list. (Tenth in the list of January 1831.)
566
567
Public lectures on several branches were given in the University,
568
attendance being quite voluntary; but I was so sickened with lectures at
569
Edinburgh that I did not even attend Sedgwick's eloquent and interesting
570
lectures. Had I done so I should probably have become a geologist
571
earlier than I did. I attended, however, Henslow's lectures on Botany,
572
and liked them much for their extreme clearness, and the admirable
573
illustrations; but I did not study botany. Henslow used to take his
574
pupils, including several of the older members of the University, field
575
excursions, on foot or in coaches, to distant places, or in a barge
576
down the river, and lectured on the rarer plants and animals which were
577
observed. These excursions were delightful.
578
579
Although, as we shall presently see, there were some redeeming features
580
in my life at Cambridge, my time was sadly wasted there, and worse than
581
wasted. From my passion for shooting and for hunting, and, when this
582
failed, for riding across country, I got into a sporting set, including
583
some dissipated low-minded young men. We used often to dine together in
584
the evening, though these dinners often included men of a higher stamp,
585
and we sometimes drank too much, with jolly singing and playing at cards
586
afterwards. I know that I ought to feel ashamed of days and evenings
587
thus spent, but as some of my friends were very pleasant, and we were
588
all in the highest spirits, I cannot help looking back to these times
589
with much pleasure.
590
591
But I am glad to think that I had many other friends of a widely
592
different nature. I was very intimate with Whitley (Rev. C. Whitley,
593
Hon. Canon of Durham, formerly Reader in Natural Philosophy in
594
Durham University.), who was afterwards Senior Wrangler, and we used
595
continually to take long walks together. He inoculated me with a taste
596
for pictures and good engravings, of which I bought some. I frequently
597
went to the Fitzwilliam Gallery, and my taste must have been fairly
598
good, for I certainly admired the best pictures, which I discussed with
599
the old curator. I read also with much interest Sir Joshua Reynolds'
600
book. This taste, though not natural to me, lasted for several years,
601
and many of the pictures in the National Gallery in London gave me
602
much pleasure; that of Sebastian del Piombo exciting in me a sense of
603
sublimity.
604
605
I also got into a musical set, I believe by means of my warm-hearted
606
friend, Herbert (The late John Maurice Herbert, County Court Judge of
607
Cardiff and the Monmouth Circuit.), who took a high wrangler's degree.
608
From associating with these men, and hearing them play, I acquired a
609
strong taste for music, and used very often to time my walks so as to
610
hear on week days the anthem in King's College Chapel. This gave me
611
intense pleasure, so that my backbone would sometimes shiver. I am sure
612
that there was no affectation or mere imitation in this taste, for I
613
used generally to go by myself to King's College, and I sometimes hired
614
the chorister boys to sing in my rooms. Nevertheless I am so utterly
615
destitute of an ear, that I cannot perceive a discord, or keep time
616
and hum a tune correctly; and it is a mystery how I could possibly have
617
derived pleasure from music.
618
619
My musical friends soon perceived my state, and sometimes amused
620
themselves by making me pass an examination, which consisted in
621
ascertaining how many tunes I could recognise when they were played
622
rather more quickly or slowly than usual. 'God save the King,' when thus
623
played, was a sore puzzle. There was another man with almost as bad an
624
ear as I had, and strange to say he played a little on the flute. Once I
625
had the triumph of beating him in one of our musical examinations.
626
627
But no pursuit at Cambridge was followed with nearly so much eagerness
628
or gave me so much pleasure as collecting beetles. It was the mere
629
passion for collecting, for I did not dissect them, and rarely compared
630
their external characters with published descriptions, but got them
631
named anyhow. I will give a proof of my zeal: one day, on tearing off
632
some old bark, I saw two rare beetles, and seized one in each hand; then
633
I saw a third and new kind, which I could not bear to lose, so that I
634
popped the one which I held in my right hand into my mouth. Alas! it
635
ejected some intensely acrid fluid, which burnt my tongue so that I was
636
forced to spit the beetle out, which was lost, as was the third one.
637
638
I was very successful in collecting, and invented two new methods; I
639
employed a labourer to scrape during the winter, moss off old trees
640
and place it in a large bag, and likewise to collect the rubbish at the
641
bottom of the barges in which reeds are brought from the fens, and thus
642
I got some very rare species. No poet ever felt more delighted at
643
seeing his first poem published than I did at seeing, in Stephens'
644
'Illustrations of British Insects,' the magic words, "captured by C.
645
Darwin, Esq." I was introduced to entomology by my second cousin W.
646
Darwin Fox, a clever and most pleasant man, who was then at Christ's
647
College, and with whom I became extremely intimate. Afterwards I became
648
well acquainted, and went out collecting, with Albert Way of Trinity,
649
who in after years became a well-known archaeologist; also with H.
650
Thompson of the same College, afterwards a leading agriculturist,
651
chairman of a great railway, and Member of Parliament. It seems
652
therefore that a taste for collecting beetles is some indication of
653
future success in life!
654
655
I am surprised what an indelible impression many of the beetles which
656
I caught at Cambridge have left on my mind. I can remember the exact
657
appearance of certain posts, old trees and banks where I made a good
658
capture. The pretty Panagaeus crux-major was a treasure in those days,
659
and here at Down I saw a beetle running across a walk, and on picking it
660
up instantly perceived that it differed slightly from P. crux-major,
661
and it turned out to be P. quadripunctatus, which is only a variety or
662
closely allied species, differing from it very slightly in outline. I
663
had never seen in those old days Licinus alive, which to an uneducated
664
eye hardly differs from many of the black Carabidous beetles; but my
665
sons found here a specimen, and I instantly recognised that it was new
666
to me; yet I had not looked at a British beetle for the last twenty
667
years.
668
669
I have not as yet mentioned a circumstance which influenced my whole
670
career more than any other. This was my friendship with Professor
671
Henslow. Before coming up to Cambridge, I had heard of him from my
672
brother as a man who knew every branch of science, and I was accordingly
673
prepared to reverence him. He kept open house once every week when
674
all undergraduates, and some older members of the University, who were
675
attached to science, used to meet in the evening. I soon got, through
676
Fox, an invitation, and went there regularly. Before long I became
677
well acquainted with Henslow, and during the latter half of my time at
678
Cambridge took long walks with him on most days; so that I was called by
679
some of the dons "the man who walks with Henslow;" and in the evening I
680
was very often asked to join his family dinner. His knowledge was great
681
in botany, entomology, chemistry, mineralogy, and geology. His strongest
682
taste was to draw conclusions from long-continued minute observations.
683
His judgment was excellent, and his whole mind well balanced; but I
684
do not suppose that any one would say that he possessed much original
685
genius. He was deeply religious, and so orthodox that he told me one day
686
he should be grieved if a single word of the Thirty-nine Articles were
687
altered. His moral qualities were in every way admirable. He was free
688
from every tinge of vanity or other petty feeling; and I never saw a man
689
who thought so little about himself or his own concerns. His temper was
690
imperturbably good, with the most winning and courteous manners; yet,
691
as I have seen, he could be roused by any bad action to the warmest
692
indignation and prompt action.
693
694
I once saw in his company in the streets of Cambridge almost as horrid
695
a scene as could have been witnessed during the French Revolution. Two
696
body-snatchers had been arrested, and whilst being taken to prison had
697
been torn from the constable by a crowd of the roughest men, who dragged
698
them by their legs along the muddy and stony road. They were covered
699
from head to foot with mud, and their faces were bleeding either from
700
having been kicked or from the stones; they looked like corpses, but
701
the crowd was so dense that I got only a few momentary glimpses of the
702
wretched creatures. Never in my life have I seen such wrath painted on
703
a man's face as was shown by Henslow at this horrid scene. He tried
704
repeatedly to penetrate the mob; but it was simply impossible. He then
705
rushed away to the mayor, telling me not to follow him, but to get more
706
policemen. I forget the issue, except that the two men were got into the
707
prison without being killed.
708
709
Henslow's benevolence was unbounded, as he proved by his many excellent
710
schemes for his poor parishioners, when in after years he held the
711
living of Hitcham. My intimacy with such a man ought to have been, and I
712
hope was, an inestimable benefit. I cannot resist mentioning a trifling
713
incident, which showed his kind consideration. Whilst examining some
714
pollen-grains on a damp surface, I saw the tubes exserted, and instantly
715
rushed off to communicate my surprising discovery to him. Now I do not
716
suppose any other professor of botany could have helped laughing at my
717
coming in such a hurry to make such a communication. But he agreed how
718
interesting the phenomenon was, and explained its meaning, but made me
719
clearly understand how well it was known; so I left him not in the
720
least mortified, but well pleased at having discovered for myself so
721
remarkable a fact, but determined not to be in such a hurry again to
722
communicate my discoveries.
723
724
Dr. Whewell was one of the older and distinguished men who sometimes
725
visited Henslow, and on several occasions I walked home with him at
726
night. Next to Sir J. Mackintosh he was the best converser on grave
727
subjects to whom I ever listened. Leonard Jenyns (The well-known Soame
728
Jenyns was cousin to Mr. Jenyns' father.), who afterwards published some
729
good essays in Natural History (Mr. Jenyns (now Blomefield) described
730
the fish for the Zoology of the "Beagle"; and is author of a long series
731
of papers, chiefly Zoological.), often stayed with Henslow, who was his
732
brother-in-law. I visited him at his parsonage on the borders of the
733
Fens [Swaffham Bulbeck], and had many a good walk and talk with him
734
about Natural History. I became also acquainted with several other men
735
older than me, who did not care much about science, but were friends of
736
Henslow. One was a Scotchman, brother of Sir Alexander Ramsay, and tutor
737
of Jesus College: he was a delightful man, but did not live for many
738
years. Another was Mr. Dawes, afterwards Dean of Hereford, and famous
739
for his success in the education of the poor. These men and others of
740
the same standing, together with Henslow, used sometimes to take distant
741
excursions into the country, which I was allowed to join, and they were
742
most agreeable.
743
744
Looking back, I infer that there must have been something in me a little
745
superior to the common run of youths, otherwise the above-mentioned men,
746
so much older than me and higher in academical position, would never
747
have allowed me to associate with them. Certainly I was not aware of any
748
such superiority, and I remember one of my sporting friends, Turner,
749
who saw me at work with my beetles, saying that I should some day be a
750
Fellow of the Royal Society, and the notion seemed to me preposterous.
751
752
During my last year at Cambridge, I read with care and profound interest
753
Humboldt's 'Personal Narrative.' This work, and Sir J. Herschel's
754
'Introduction to the Study of Natural Philosophy,' stirred up in me
755
a burning zeal to add even the most humble contribution to the noble
756
structure of Natural Science. No one or a dozen other books influenced
757
me nearly so much as these two. I copied out from Humboldt long passages
758
about Teneriffe, and read them aloud on one of the above-mentioned
759
excursions, to (I think) Henslow, Ramsay, and Dawes, for on a previous
760
occasion I had talked about the glories of Teneriffe, and some of the
761
party declared they would endeavour to go there; but I think that they
762
were only half in earnest. I was, however, quite in earnest, and got
763
an introduction to a merchant in London to enquire about ships; but
764
the scheme was, of course, knocked on the head by the voyage of the
765
"Beagle".
766
767
My summer vacations were given up to collecting beetles, to some
768
reading, and short tours. In the autumn my whole time was devoted to
769
shooting, chiefly at Woodhouse and Maer, and sometimes with young Eyton
770
of Eyton. Upon the whole the three years which I spent at Cambridge were
771
the most joyful in my happy life; for I was then in excellent health,
772
and almost always in high spirits.
773
774
As I had at first come up to Cambridge at Christmas, I was forced to
775
keep two terms after passing my final examination, at the commencement
776
of 1831; and Henslow then persuaded me to begin the study of geology.
777
Therefore on my return to Shropshire I examined sections, and coloured
778
a map of parts round Shrewsbury. Professor Sedgwick intended to visit
779
North Wales in the beginning of August to pursue his famous geological
780
investigations amongst the older rocks, and Henslow asked him to allow
781
me to accompany him. (In connection with this tour my father used
782
to tell a story about Sedgwick: they had started from their inn one
783
morning, and had walked a mile or two, when Sedgwick suddenly stopped,
784
and vowed that he would return, being certain "that damned scoundrel"
785
(the waiter) had not given the chambermaid the sixpence intrusted to
786
him for the purpose. He was ultimately persuaded to give up the project,
787
seeing that there was no reason for suspecting the waiter of especial
788
perfidy.--F.D.) Accordingly he came and slept at my father's house.
789
790
A short conversation with him during this evening produced a strong
791
impression on my mind. Whilst examining an old gravel-pit near
792
Shrewsbury, a labourer told me that he had found in it a large worn
793
tropical Volute shell, such as may be seen on the chimney-pieces of
794
cottages; and as he would not sell the shell, I was convinced that he
795
had really found it in the pit. I told Sedgwick of the fact, and he at
796
once said (no doubt truly) that it must have been thrown away by some
797
one into the pit; but then added, if really embedded there it would be
798
the greatest misfortune to geology, as it would overthrow all that
799
we know about the superficial deposits of the Midland Counties. These
800
gravel-beds belong in fact to the glacial period, and in after years I
801
found in them broken arctic shells. But I was then utterly astonished at
802
Sedgwick not being delighted at so wonderful a fact as a tropical shell
803
being found near the surface in the middle of England. Nothing
804
before had ever made me thoroughly realise, though I had read various
805
scientific books, that science consists in grouping facts so that
806
general laws or conclusions may be drawn from them.
807
808
Next morning we started for Llangollen, Conway, Bangor, and Capel Curig.
809
This tour was of decided use in teaching me a little how to make out the
810
geology of a country. Sedgwick often sent me on a line parallel to
811
his, telling me to bring back specimens of the rocks and to mark the
812
stratification on a map. I have little doubt that he did this for my
813
good, as I was too ignorant to have aided him. On this tour I had a
814
striking instance of how easy it is to overlook phenomena, however
815
conspicuous, before they have been observed by any one. We spent many
816
hours in Cwm Idwal, examining all the rocks with extreme care, as
817
Sedgwick was anxious to find fossils in them; but neither of us saw
818
a trace of the wonderful glacial phenomena all around us; we did not
819
notice the plainly scored rocks, the perched boulders, the lateral and
820
terminal moraines. Yet these phenomena are so conspicuous that, as
821
I declared in a paper published many years afterwards in the
822
'Philosophical Magazine' ('Philosophical Magazine,' 1842.), a house
823
burnt down by fire did not tell its story more plainly than did this
824
valley. If it had still been filled by a glacier, the phenomena would
825
have been less distinct than they now are.
826
827
At Capel Curig I left Sedgwick and went in a straight line by compass
828
and map across the mountains to Barmouth, never following any track
829
unless it coincided with my course. I thus came on some strange wild
830
places, and enjoyed much this manner of travelling. I visited Barmouth
831
to see some Cambridge friends who were reading there, and thence
832
returned to Shrewsbury and to Maer for shooting; for at that time
833
I should have thought myself mad to give up the first days of
834
partridge-shooting for geology or any other science.
835
836
837
838
839
"VOYAGE OF THE 'BEAGLE' FROM DECEMBER 27, 1831, TO OCTOBER 2, 1836."
840
841
On returning home from my short geological tour in North Wales, I found
842
a letter from Henslow, informing me that Captain Fitz-Roy was willing to
843
give up part of his own cabin to any young man who would volunteer to go
844
with him without pay as naturalist to the Voyage of the "Beagle". I
845
have given, as I believe, in my MS. Journal an account of all the
846
circumstances which then occurred; I will here only say that I was
847
instantly eager to accept the offer, but my father strongly objected,
848
adding the words, fortunate for me, "If you can find any man of common
849
sense who advises you to go I will give my consent." So I wrote that
850
evening and refused the offer. On the next morning I went to Maer to
851
be ready for September 1st, and, whilst out shooting, my uncle (Josiah
852
Wedgwood.) sent for me, offering to drive me over to Shrewsbury and talk
853
with my father, as my uncle thought it would be wise in me to accept the
854
offer. My father always maintained that he was one of the most sensible
855
men in the world, and he at once consented in the kindest manner. I had
856
been rather extravagant at Cambridge, and to console my father, said,
857
"that I should be deuced clever to spend more than my allowance whilst
858
on board the 'Beagle';" but he answered with a smile, "But they tell me
859
you are very clever."
860
861
Next day I started for Cambridge to see Henslow, and thence to London
862
to see Fitz-Roy, and all was soon arranged. Afterwards, on becoming very
863
intimate with Fitz-Roy, I heard that I had run a very narrow risk of
864
being rejected, on account of the shape of my nose! He was an ardent
865
disciple of Lavater, and was convinced that he could judge of a man's
866
character by the outline of his features; and he doubted whether any one
867
with my nose could possess sufficient energy and determination for the
868
voyage. But I think he was afterwards well satisfied that my nose had
869
spoken falsely.
870
871
Fitz-Roy's character was a singular one, with very many noble features:
872
he was devoted to his duty, generous to a fault, bold, determined, and
873
indomitably energetic, and an ardent friend to all under his sway. He
874
would undertake any sort of trouble to assist those whom he thought
875
deserved assistance. He was a handsome man, strikingly like a gentleman,
876
with highly courteous manners, which resembled those of his maternal
877
uncle, the famous Lord Castlereagh, as I was told by the Minister at
878
Rio. Nevertheless he must have inherited much in his appearance from
879
Charles II., for Dr. Wallich gave me a collection of photographs which
880
he had made, and I was struck with the resemblance of one to Fitz-Roy;
881
and on looking at the name, I found it Ch. E. Sobieski Stuart, Count
882
d'Albanie, a descendant of the same monarch.
883
884
Fitz-Roy's temper was a most unfortunate one. It was usually worst in
885
the early morning, and with his eagle eye he could generally detect
886
something amiss about the ship, and was then unsparing in his blame. He
887
was very kind to me, but was a man very difficult to live with on the
888
intimate terms which necessarily followed from our messing by ourselves
889
in the same cabin. We had several quarrels; for instance, early in the
890
voyage at Bahia, in Brazil, he defended and praised slavery, which I
891
abominated, and told me that he had just visited a great slave-owner,
892
who had called up many of his slaves and asked them whether they were
893
happy, and whether they wished to be free, and all answered "No." I then
894
asked him, perhaps with a sneer, whether he thought that the answer of
895
slaves in the presence of their master was worth anything? This made him
896
excessively angry, and he said that as I doubted his word we could not
897
live any longer together. I thought that I should have been compelled to
898
leave the ship; but as soon as the news spread, which it did quickly,
899
as the captain sent for the first lieutenant to assuage his anger by
900
abusing me, I was deeply gratified by receiving an invitation from all
901
the gun-room officers to mess with them. But after a few hours Fitz-Roy
902
showed his usual magnanimity by sending an officer to me with an apology
903
and a request that I would continue to live with him.
904
905
His character was in several respects one of the most noble which I have
906
ever known.
907
908
The voyage of the "Beagle" has been by far the most important event in
909
my life, and has determined my whole career; yet it depended on so
910
small a circumstance as my uncle offering to drive me thirty miles to
911
Shrewsbury, which few uncles would have done, and on such a trifle as
912
the shape of my nose. I have always felt that I owe to the voyage the
913
first real training or education of my mind; I was led to attend
914
closely to several branches of natural history, and thus my powers of
915
observation were improved, though they were always fairly developed.
916
917
The investigation of the geology of all the places visited was far more
918
important, as reasoning here comes into play. On first examining a new
919
district nothing can appear more hopeless than the chaos of rocks; but
920
by recording the stratification and nature of the rocks and fossils
921
at many points, always reasoning and predicting what will be found
922
elsewhere, light soon begins to dawn on the district, and the structure
923
of the whole becomes more or less intelligible. I had brought with me
924
the first volume of Lyell's 'Principles of Geology,' which I studied
925
attentively; and the book was of the highest service to me in many ways.
926
The very first place which I examined, namely St. Jago in the Cape de
927
Verde islands, showed me clearly the wonderful superiority of Lyell's
928
manner of treating geology, compared with that of any other author,
929
whose works I had with me or ever afterwards read.
930
931
Another of my occupations was collecting animals of all classes, briefly
932
describing and roughly dissecting many of the marine ones; but from not
933
being able to draw, and from not having sufficient anatomical knowledge,
934
a great pile of MS. which I made during the voyage has proved almost
935
useless. I thus lost much time, with the exception of that spent in
936
acquiring some knowledge of the Crustaceans, as this was of service when
937
in after years I undertook a monograph of the Cirripedia.
938
939
During some part of the day I wrote my Journal, and took much pains in
940
describing carefully and vividly all that I had seen; and this was good
941
practice. My Journal served also, in part, as letters to my home, and
942
portions were sent to England whenever there was an opportunity.
943
944
The above various special studies were, however, of no importance
945
compared with the habit of energetic industry and of concentrated
946
attention to whatever I was engaged in, which I then acquired.
947
Everything about which I thought or read was made to bear directly
948
on what I had seen or was likely to see; and this habit of mind was
949
continued during the five years of the voyage. I feel sure that it
950
was this training which has enabled me to do whatever I have done in
951
science.
952
953
Looking backwards, I can now perceive how my love for science gradually
954
preponderated over every other taste. During the first two years my old
955
passion for shooting survived in nearly full force, and I shot myself
956
all the birds and animals for my collection; but gradually I gave up my
957
gun more and more, and finally altogether, to my servant, as shooting
958
interfered with my work, more especially with making out the geological
959
structure of a country. I discovered, though unconsciously and
960
insensibly, that the pleasure of observing and reasoning was a much
961
higher one than that of skill and sport. That my mind became developed
962
through my pursuits during the voyage is rendered probable by a remark
963
made by my father, who was the most acute observer whom I ever saw, of a
964
sceptical disposition, and far from being a believer in phrenology; for
965
on first seeing me after the voyage, he turned round to my sisters, and
966
exclaimed, "Why, the shape of his head is quite altered."
967
968
To return to the voyage. On September 11th (1831), I paid a flying visit
969
with Fitz-Roy to the "Beagle" at Plymouth. Thence to Shrewsbury to wish
970
my father and sisters a long farewell. On October 24th I took up my
971
residence at Plymouth, and remained there until December 27th, when the
972
"Beagle" finally left the shores of England for her circumnavigation of
973
the world. We made two earlier attempts to sail, but were driven back
974
each time by heavy gales. These two months at Plymouth were the most
975
miserable which I ever spent, though I exerted myself in various ways.
976
I was out of spirits at the thought of leaving all my family and friends
977
for so long a time, and the weather seemed to me inexpressibly gloomy.
978
I was also troubled with palpitation and pain about the heart, and like
979
many a young ignorant man, especially one with a smattering of medical
980
knowledge, was convinced that I had heart disease. I did not consult any
981
doctor, as I fully expected to hear the verdict that I was not fit for
982
the voyage, and I was resolved to go at all hazards.
983
984
I need not here refer to the events of the voyage--where we went and
985
what we did--as I have given a sufficiently full account in my published
986
Journal. The glories of the vegetation of the Tropics rise before my
987
mind at the present time more vividly than anything else; though
988
the sense of sublimity, which the great deserts of Patagonia and the
989
forest-clad mountains of Tierra del Fuego excited in me, has left an
990
indelible impression on my mind. The sight of a naked savage in his
991
native land is an event which can never be forgotten. Many of my
992
excursions on horseback through wild countries, or in the boats, some
993
of which lasted several weeks, were deeply interesting: their discomfort
994
and some degree of danger were at that time hardly a drawback, and none
995
at all afterwards. I also reflect with high satisfaction on some of
996
my scientific work, such as solving the problem of coral islands, and
997
making out the geological structure of certain islands, for instance,
998
St. Helena. Nor must I pass over the discovery of the singular relations
999
of the animals and plants inhabiting the several islands of the
1000
Galapagos archipelago, and of all of them to the inhabitants of South
1001
America.
1002
1003
As far as I can judge of myself, I worked to the utmost during the
1004
voyage from the mere pleasure of investigation, and from my strong
1005
desire to add a few facts to the great mass of facts in Natural
1006
Science. But I was also ambitious to take a fair place among scientific
1007
men,--whether more ambitious or less so than most of my fellow-workers,
1008
I can form no opinion.
1009
1010
The geology of St. Jago is very striking, yet simple: a stream of lava
1011
formerly flowed over the bed of the sea, formed of triturated recent
1012
shells and corals, which it has baked into a hard white rock. Since then
1013
the whole island has been upheaved. But the line of white rock revealed
1014
to me a new and important fact, namely, that there had been afterwards
1015
subsidence round the craters, which had since been in action, and had
1016
poured forth lava. It then first dawned on me that I might perhaps write
1017
a book on the geology of the various countries visited, and this made me
1018
thrill with delight. That was a memorable hour to me, and how distinctly
1019
I can call to mind the low cliff of lava beneath which I rested, with
1020
the sun glaring hot, a few strange desert plants growing near, and
1021
with living corals in the tidal pools at my feet. Later in the voyage,
1022
Fitz-Roy asked me to read some of my Journal, and declared it would be
1023
worth publishing; so here was a second book in prospect!
1024
1025
Towards the close of our voyage I received a letter whilst at Ascension,
1026
in which my sisters told me that Sedgwick had called on my father, and
1027
said that I should take a place among the leading scientific men. I
1028
could not at the time understand how he could have learnt anything of
1029
my proceedings, but I heard (I believe afterwards) that Henslow had
1030
read some of the letters which I wrote to him before the Philosophical
1031
Society of Cambridge (Read at the meeting held November 16, 1835, and
1032
printed in a pamphlet of 31 pages for distribution among the members
1033
of the Society.), and had printed them for private distribution. My
1034
collection of fossil bones, which had been sent to Henslow, also excited
1035
considerable attention amongst palaeontologists. After reading this
1036
letter, I clambered over the mountains of Ascension with a bounding
1037
step, and made the volcanic rocks resound under my geological hammer.
1038
All this shows how ambitious I was; but I think that I can say with
1039
truth that in after years, though I cared in the highest degree for the
1040
approbation of such men as Lyell and Hooker, who were my friends, I
1041
did not care much about the general public. I do not mean to say that a
1042
favourable review or a large sale of my books did not please me greatly,
1043
but the pleasure was a fleeting one, and I am sure that I have never
1044
turned one inch out of my course to gain fame.
1045
1046
1047
1048
1049
FROM MY RETURN TO ENGLAND (OCTOBER 2, 1836) TO MY MARRIAGE (JANUARY 29,
1050
1839.)
1051
1052
These two years and three months were the most active ones which I ever
1053
spent, though I was occasionally unwell, and so lost some time. After
1054
going backwards and forwards several times between Shrewsbury,
1055
Maer, Cambridge, and London, I settled in lodgings at Cambridge (In
1056
Fitzwilliam Street.) on December 13th, where all my collections were
1057
under the care of Henslow. I stayed here three months, and got my
1058
minerals and rocks examined by the aid of Professor Miller.
1059
1060
I began preparing my 'Journal of Travels,' which was not hard work,
1061
as my MS. Journal had been written with care, and my chief labour was
1062
making an abstract of my more interesting scientific results. I sent
1063
also, at the request of Lyell, a short account of my observations on
1064
the elevation of the coast of Chile to the Geological Society. ('Geolog.
1065
Soc. Proc. ii. 1838, pages 446-449.)
1066
1067
On March 7th, 1837, I took lodgings in Great Marlborough Street in
1068
London, and remained there for nearly two years, until I was married.
1069
During these two years I finished my Journal, read several papers before
1070
the Geological Society, began preparing the MS. for my 'Geological
1071
Observations,' and arranged for the publication of the 'Zoology of the
1072
Voyage of the "Beagle".' In July I opened my first note-book for facts
1073
in relation to the Origin of Species, about which I had long reflected,
1074
and never ceased working for the next twenty years.
1075
1076
During these two years I also went a little into society, and acted as
1077
one of the honorary secretaries of the Geological Society. I saw a great
1078
deal of Lyell. One of his chief characteristics was his sympathy with
1079
the work of others, and I was as much astonished as delighted at the
1080
interest which he showed when, on my return to England, I explained to
1081
him my views on coral reefs. This encouraged me greatly, and his advice
1082
and example had much influence on me. During this time I saw also a good
1083
deal of Robert Brown; I used often to call and sit with him during his
1084
breakfast on Sunday mornings, and he poured forth a rich treasure of
1085
curious observations and acute remarks, but they almost always related
1086
to minute points, and he never with me discussed large or general
1087
questions in science.
1088
1089
During these two years I took several short excursions as a relaxation,
1090
and one longer one to the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, an account of
1091
which was published in the 'Philosophical Transactions.' (1839, pages
1092
39-82.) This paper was a great failure, and I am ashamed of it. Having
1093
been deeply impressed with what I had seen of the elevation of the land
1094
of South America, I attributed the parallel lines to the action of
1095
the sea; but I had to give up this view when Agassiz propounded his
1096
glacier-lake theory. Because no other explanation was possible under our
1097
then state of knowledge, I argued in favour of sea-action; and my error
1098
has been a good lesson to me never to trust in science to the principle
1099
of exclusion.
1100
1101
As I was not able to work all day at science, I read a good deal during
1102
these two years on various subjects, including some metaphysical books;
1103
but I was not well fitted for such studies. About this time I took much
1104
delight in Wordsworth's and Coleridge's poetry; and can boast that I
1105
read the 'Excursion' twice through. Formerly Milton's 'Paradise Lost'
1106
had been my chief favourite, and in my excursions during the voyage of
1107
the "Beagle", when I could take only a single volume, I always chose
1108
Milton.
1109
1110
1111
1112
1113
FROM MY MARRIAGE, JANUARY 29, 1839, AND RESIDENCE IN UPPER GOWER STREET,
1114
TO OUR LEAVING LONDON AND SETTLING AT DOWN, SEPTEMBER 14, 1842.
1115
1116
(After speaking of his happy married life, and of his children, he
1117
continues:--)
1118
1119
During the three years and eight months whilst we resided in London, I
1120
did less scientific work, though I worked as hard as I possibly could,
1121
than during any other equal length of time in my life. This was owing
1122
to frequently recurring unwellness, and to one long and serious illness.
1123
The greater part of my time, when I could do anything, was devoted to
1124
my work on 'Coral Reefs,' which I had begun before my marriage, and of
1125
which the last proof-sheet was corrected on May 6th, 1842. This book,
1126
though a small one, cost me twenty months of hard work, as I had to read
1127
every work on the islands of the Pacific and to consult many charts. It
1128
was thought highly of by scientific men, and the theory therein given
1129
is, I think, now well established.
1130
1131
No other work of mine was begun in so deductive a spirit as this, for
1132
the whole theory was thought out on the west coast of South America,
1133
before I had seen a true coral reef. I had therefore only to verify and
1134
extend my views by a careful examination of living reefs. But it should
1135
be observed that I had during the two previous years been incessantly
1136
attending to the effects on the shores of South America of the
1137
intermittent elevation of the land, together with denudation and the
1138
deposition of sediment. This necessarily led me to reflect much on the
1139
effects of subsidence, and it was easy to replace in imagination the
1140
continued deposition of sediment by the upward growth of corals. To do
1141
this was to form my theory of the formation of barrier-reefs and atolls.
1142
1143
Besides my work on coral-reefs, during my residence in London, I read
1144
before the Geological Society papers on the Erratic Boulders of South
1145
America ('Geolog. Soc. Proc.' iii. 1842.), on Earthquakes ('Geolog.
1146
Trans. v. 1840.), and on the Formation by the Agency of Earth-worms of
1147
Mould. ('Geolog. Soc. Proc. ii. 1838.) I also continued to superintend
1148
the publication of the 'Zoology of the Voyage of the "Beagle".' Nor did
1149
I ever intermit collecting facts bearing on the origin of species; and I
1150
could sometimes do this when I could do nothing else from illness.
1151
1152
In the summer of 1842 I was stronger than I had been for some time, and
1153
took a little tour by myself in North Wales, for the sake of observing
1154
the effects of the old glaciers which formerly filled all the larger
1155
valleys. I published a short account of what I saw in the 'Philosophical
1156
Magazine.' ('Philosophical Magazine,' 1842.) This excursion interested
1157
me greatly, and it was the last time I was ever strong enough to climb
1158
mountains or to take long walks such as are necessary for geological
1159
work.
1160
1161
During the early part of our life in London, I was strong enough to go
1162
into general society, and saw a good deal of several scientific men, and
1163
other more or less distinguished men. I will give my impressions with
1164
respect to some of them, though I have little to say worth saying.
1165
1166
I saw more of Lyell than of any other man, both before and after
1167
my marriage. His mind was characterised, as it appeared to me, by
1168
clearness, caution, sound judgment, and a good deal of originality. When
1169
I made any remark to him on Geology, he never rested until he saw the
1170
whole case clearly, and often made me see it more clearly than I had
1171
done before. He would advance all possible objections to my suggestion,
1172
and even after these were exhausted would long remain dubious. A second
1173
characteristic was his hearty sympathy with the work of other scientific
1174
men. (The slight repetition here observable is accounted for by the
1175
notes on Lyell, etc., having been added in April, 1881, a few years
1176
after the rest of the 'Recollections' were written.)
1177
1178
On my return from the voyage of the "Beagle", I explained to him
1179
my views on coral-reefs, which differed from his, and I was greatly
1180
surprised and encouraged by the vivid interest which he showed. His
1181
delight in science was ardent, and he felt the keenest interest in the
1182
future progress of mankind. He was very kind-hearted, and thoroughly
1183
liberal in his religious beliefs, or rather disbeliefs; but he was a
1184
strong theist. His candour was highly remarkable. He exhibited this by
1185
becoming a convert to the Descent theory, though he had gained much
1186
fame by opposing Lamarck's views, and this after he had grown old. He
1187
reminded me that I had many years before said to him, when discussing
1188
the opposition of the old school of geologists to his new views, "What
1189
a good thing it would be if every scientific man was to die when sixty
1190
years old, as afterwards he would be sure to oppose all new doctrines."
1191
But he hoped that now he might be allowed to live.
1192
1193
The science of Geology is enormously indebted to Lyell--more so, as I
1194
believe, than to any other man who ever lived. When [I was] starting on
1195
the voyage of the "Beagle", the sagacious Henslow, who, like all other
1196
geologists, believed at that time in successive cataclysms, advised me
1197
to get and study the first volume of the 'Principles,' which had then
1198
just been published, but on no account to accept the views therein
1199
advocated. How differently would anyone now speak of the 'Principles'! I
1200
am proud to remember that the first place, namely, St. Jago, in the
1201
Cape de Verde archipelago, in which I geologised, convinced me of the
1202
infinite superiority of Lyell's views over those advocated in any other
1203
work known to me.
1204
1205
The powerful effects of Lyell's works could formerly be plainly seen in
1206
the different progress of the science in France and England. The present
1207
total oblivion of Elie de Beaumont's wild hypotheses, such as his
1208
'Craters of Elevation' and 'Lines of Elevation' (which latter hypothesis
1209
I heard Sedgwick at the Geological Society lauding to the skies), may be
1210
largely attributed to Lyell.
1211
1212
I saw a good deal of Robert Brown, "facile Princeps Botanicorum," as he
1213
was called by Humboldt. He seemed to me to be chiefly remarkable for
1214
the minuteness of his observations, and their perfect accuracy. His
1215
knowledge was extraordinarily great, and much died with him, owing to
1216
his excessive fear of ever making a mistake. He poured out his knowledge
1217
to me in the most unreserved manner, yet was strangely jealous on some
1218
points. I called on him two or three times before the voyage of the
1219
"Beagle", and on one occasion he asked me to look through a microscope
1220
and describe what I saw. This I did, and believe now that it was the
1221
marvellous currents of protoplasm in some vegetable cell. I then asked
1222
him what I had seen; but he answered me, "That is my little secret."
1223
1224
He was capable of the most generous actions. When old, much out of
1225
health, and quite unfit for any exertion, he daily visited (as Hooker
1226
told me) an old man-servant, who lived at a distance (and whom he
1227
supported), and read aloud to him. This is enough to make up for any
1228
degree of scientific penuriousness or jealousy.
1229
1230
I may here mention a few other eminent men, whom I have occasionally
1231
seen, but I have little to say about them worth saying. I felt a high
1232
reverence for Sir J. Herschel, and was delighted to dine with him at his
1233
charming house at the Cape of Good Hope, and afterwards at his London
1234
house. I saw him, also, on a few other occasions. He never talked much,
1235
but every word which he uttered was worth listening to.
1236
1237
I once met at breakfast at Sir R. Murchison's house the illustrious
1238
Humboldt, who honoured me by expressing a wish to see me. I was a little
1239
disappointed with the great man, but my anticipations probably were too
1240
high. I can remember nothing distinctly about our interview, except that
1241
Humboldt was very cheerful and talked much.
1242
1243
--reminds me of Buckle whom I once met at Hensleigh Wedgwood's. I was
1244
very glad to learn from him his system of collecting facts. He told me
1245
that he bought all the books which he read, and made a full index, to
1246
each, of the facts which he thought might prove serviceable to him, and
1247
that he could always remember in what book he had read anything, for his
1248
memory was wonderful. I asked him how at first he could judge what facts
1249
would be serviceable, and he answered that he did not know, but that a
1250
sort of instinct guided him. From this habit of making indices, he was
1251
enabled to give the astonishing number of references on all sorts of
1252
subjects, which may be found in his 'History of Civilisation.' This book
1253
I thought most interesting, and read it twice, but I doubt whether his
1254
generalisations are worth anything. Buckle was a great talker, and I
1255
listened to him saying hardly a word, nor indeed could I have done so
1256
for he left no gaps. When Mrs. Farrer began to sing, I jumped up and
1257
said that I must listen to her; after I had moved away he turned around
1258
to a friend and said (as was overheard by my brother), "Well, Mr.
1259
Darwin's books are much better than his conversation."
1260
1261
Of other great literary men, I once met Sydney Smith at Dean Milman's
1262
house. There was something inexplicably amusing in every word which he
1263
uttered. Perhaps this was partly due to the expectation of being amused.
1264
He was talking about Lady Cork, who was then extremely old. This was the
1265
lady who, as he said, was once so much affected by one of his charity
1266
sermons, that she _borrowed_ a guinea from a friend to put in the plate.
1267
He now said "It is generally believed that my dear old friend Lady Cork
1268
has been overlooked," and he said this in such a manner that no one
1269
could for a moment doubt that he meant that his dear old friend had been
1270
overlooked by the devil. How he managed to express this I know not.
1271
1272
I likewise once met Macaulay at Lord Stanhope's (the historian's) house,
1273
and as there was only one other man at dinner, I had a grand opportunity
1274
of hearing him converse, and he was very agreeable. He did not talk at
1275
all too much; nor indeed could such a man talk too much, as long as he
1276
allowed others to turn the stream of his conversation, and this he did
1277
allow.
1278
1279
Lord Stanhope once gave me a curious little proof of the accuracy and
1280
fulness of Macaulay's memory: many historians used often to meet at
1281
Lord Stanhope's house, and in discussing various subjects they would
1282
sometimes differ from Macaulay, and formerly they often referred to some
1283
book to see who was right; but latterly, as Lord Stanhope noticed, no
1284
historian ever took this trouble, and whatever Macaulay said was final.
1285
1286
On another occasion I met at Lord Stanhope's house, one of his parties
1287
of historians and other literary men, and amongst them were Motley and
1288
Grote. After luncheon I walked about Chevening Park for nearly an hour
1289
with Grote, and was much interested by his conversation and pleased by
1290
the simplicity and absence of all pretension in his manners.
1291
1292
Long ago I dined occasionally with the old Earl, the father of the
1293
historian; he was a strange man, but what little I knew of him I
1294
liked much. He was frank, genial, and pleasant. He had strongly marked
1295
features, with a brown complexion, and his clothes, when I saw him,
1296
were all brown. He seemed to believe in everything which was to others
1297
utterly incredible. He said one day to me, "Why don't you give up your
1298
fiddle-faddle of geology and zoology, and turn to the occult sciences!"
1299
The historian, then Lord Mahon, seemed shocked at such a speech to me,
1300
and his charming wife much amused.
1301
1302
The last man whom I will mention is Carlyle, seen by me several times at
1303
my brother's house, and two or three times at my own house. His talk was
1304
very racy and interesting, just like his writings, but he sometimes
1305
went on too long on the same subject. I remember a funny dinner at my
1306
brother's, where, amongst a few others, were Babbage and Lyell, both of
1307
whom liked to talk. Carlyle, however, silenced every one by haranguing
1308
during the whole dinner on the advantages of silence. After dinner
1309
Babbage, in his grimmest manner, thanked Carlyle for his very
1310
interesting lecture on silence.
1311
1312
Carlyle sneered at almost every one: one day in my house he called
1313
Grote's 'History' "a fetid quagmire, with nothing spiritual about it." I
1314
always thought, until his 'Reminiscences' appeared, that his sneers were
1315
partly jokes, but this now seems rather doubtful. His expression was
1316
that of a depressed, almost despondent yet benevolent man; and it is
1317
notorious how heartily he laughed. I believe that his benevolence was
1318
real, though stained by not a little jealousy. No one can doubt about
1319
his extraordinary power of drawing pictures of things and men--far more
1320
vivid, as it appears to me, than any drawn by Macaulay. Whether his
1321
pictures of men were true ones is another question.
1322
1323
He has been all-powerful in impressing some grand moral truths on the
1324
minds of men. On the other hand, his views about slavery were revolting.
1325
In his eyes might was right. His mind seemed to me a very narrow one;
1326
even if all branches of science, which he despised, are excluded. It is
1327
astonishing to me that Kingsley should have spoken of him as a man
1328
well fitted to advance science. He laughed to scorn the idea that a
1329
mathematician, such as Whewell, could judge, as I maintained he could,
1330
of Goethe's views on light. He thought it a most ridiculous thing that
1331
any one should care whether a glacier moved a little quicker or a little
1332
slower, or moved at all. As far as I could judge, I never met a man with
1333
a mind so ill adapted for scientific research.
1334
1335
Whilst living in London, I attended as regularly as I could the
1336
meetings of several scientific societies, and acted as secretary to the
1337
Geological Society. But such attendance, and ordinary society, suited my
1338
health so badly that we resolved to live in the country, which we both
1339
preferred and have never repented of.
1340
1341
1342
1343
1344
RESIDENCE AT DOWN FROM SEPTEMBER 14, 1842, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1876.
1345
1346
After several fruitless searches in Surrey and elsewhere, we found this
1347
house and purchased it. I was pleased with the diversified appearance
1348
of vegetation proper to a chalk district, and so unlike what I had been
1349
accustomed to in the Midland counties; and still more pleased with the
1350
extreme quietness and rusticity of the place. It is not, however, quite
1351
so retired a place as a writer in a German periodical makes it, who
1352
says that my house can be approached only by a mule-track! Our fixing
1353
ourselves here has answered admirably in one way, which we did not
1354
anticipate, namely, by being very convenient for frequent visits from
1355
our children.
1356
1357
Few persons can have lived a more retired life than we have done.
1358
Besides short visits to the houses of relations, and occasionally to the
1359
seaside or elsewhere, we have gone nowhere. During the first part of
1360
our residence we went a little into society, and received a few friends
1361
here; but my health almost always suffered from the excitement, violent
1362
shivering and vomiting attacks being thus brought on. I have therefore
1363
been compelled for many years to give up all dinner-parties; and this
1364
has been somewhat of a deprivation to me, as such parties always put me
1365
into high spirits. From the same cause I have been able to invite here
1366
very few scientific acquaintances.
1367
1368
My chief enjoyment and sole employment throughout life has been
1369
scientific work; and the excitement from such work makes me for the
1370
time forget, or drives quite away, my daily discomfort. I have therefore
1371
nothing to record during the rest of my life, except the publication
1372
of my several books. Perhaps a few details how they arose may be worth
1373
giving.
1374
1375
1376
1377
1378
MY SEVERAL PUBLICATIONS.
1379
1380
In the early part of 1844, my observations on the volcanic islands
1381
visited during the voyage of the "Beagle" were published. In 1845,
1382
I took much pains in correcting a new edition of my 'Journal of
1383
Researches,' which was originally published in 1839 as part of
1384
Fitz-Roy's work. The success of this, my first literary child, always
1385
tickles my vanity more than that of any of my other books. Even to this
1386
day it sells steadily in England and the United States, and has been
1387
translated for the second time into German, and into French and other
1388
languages. This success of a book of travels, especially of a scientific
1389
one, so many years after its first publication, is surprising. Ten
1390
thousand copies have been sold in England of the second edition. In 1846
1391
my 'Geological Observations on South America' were published. I record
1392
in a little diary, which I have always kept, that my three geological
1393
books ('Coral Reefs' included) consumed four and a half years' steady
1394
work; "and now it is ten years since my return to England. How much time
1395
have I lost by illness?" I have nothing to say about these three books
1396
except that to my surprise new editions have lately been called for.
1397
('Geological Observations,' 2nd Edit.1876. 'Coral Reefs,' 2nd Edit.
1398
1874.)
1399
1400
In October, 1846, I began to work on 'Cirripedia.' When on the coast of
1401
Chile, I found a most curious form, which burrowed into the shells of
1402
Concholepas, and which differed so much from all other Cirripedes that
1403
I had to form a new sub-order for its sole reception. Lately an allied
1404
burrowing genus has been found on the shores of Portugal. To understand
1405
the structure of my new Cirripede I had to examine and dissect many
1406
of the common forms; and this gradually led me on to take up the whole
1407
group. I worked steadily on this subject for the next eight years, and
1408
ultimately published two thick volumes (Published by the Ray Society.),
1409
describing all the known living species, and two thin quartos on the
1410
extinct species. I do not doubt that Sir E. Lytton Bulwer had me in his
1411
mind when he introduced in one of his novels a Professor Long, who had
1412
written two huge volumes on limpets.
1413
1414
Although I was employed during eight years on this work, yet I record in
1415
my diary that about two years out of this time was lost by illness. On
1416
this account I went in 1848 for some months to Malvern for hydropathic
1417
treatment, which did me much good, so that on my return home I was able
1418
to resume work. So much was I out of health that when my dear father
1419
died on November 13th, 1848, I was unable to attend his funeral or to
1420
act as one of his executors.
1421
1422
My work on the Cirripedia possesses, I think, considerable value, as
1423
besides describing several new and remarkable forms, I made out the
1424
homologies of the various parts--I discovered the cementing apparatus,
1425
though I blundered dreadfully about the cement glands--and lastly I
1426
proved the existence in certain genera of minute males complemental to
1427
and parasitic on the hermaphrodites. This latter discovery has at last
1428
been fully confirmed; though at one time a German writer was pleased to
1429
attribute the whole account to my fertile imagination. The Cirripedes
1430
form a highly varying and difficult group of species to class; and my
1431
work was of considerable use to me, when I had to discuss in the 'Origin
1432
of Species' the principles of a natural classification. Nevertheless, I
1433
doubt whether the work was worth the consumption of so much time.
1434
1435
From September 1854 I devoted my whole time to arranging my huge
1436
pile of notes, to observing, and to experimenting in relation to the
1437
transmutation of species. During the voyage of the "Beagle" I had been
1438
deeply impressed by discovering in the Pampean formation great fossil
1439
animals covered with armour like that on the existing armadillos;
1440
secondly, by the manner in which closely allied animals replace one
1441
another in proceeding southwards over the Continent; and thirdly, by
1442
the South American character of most of the productions of the Galapagos
1443
archipelago, and more especially by the manner in which they differ
1444
slightly on each island of the group; none of the islands appearing to
1445
be very ancient in a geological sense.
1446
1447
It was evident that such facts as these, as well as many others, could
1448
only be explained on the supposition that species gradually become
1449
modified; and the subject haunted me. But it was equally evident that
1450
neither the action of the surrounding conditions, nor the will of the
1451
organisms (especially in the case of plants) could account for the
1452
innumerable cases in which organisms of every kind are beautifully
1453
adapted to their habits of life--for instance, a woodpecker or a
1454
tree-frog to climb trees, or a seed for dispersal by hooks or plumes. I
1455
had always been much struck by such adaptations, and until these could
1456
be explained it seemed to me almost useless to endeavour to prove by
1457
indirect evidence that species have been modified.
1458
1459
After my return to England it appeared to me that by following the
1460
example of Lyell in Geology, and by collecting all facts which bore in
1461
any way on the variation of animals and plants under domestication and
1462
nature, some light might perhaps be thrown on the whole subject. My
1463
first note-book was opened in July 1837. I worked on true Baconian
1464
principles, and without any theory collected facts on a wholesale scale,
1465
more especially with respect to domesticated productions, by printed
1466
enquiries, by conversation with skilful breeders and gardeners, and by
1467
extensive reading. When I see the list of books of all kinds which
1468
I read and abstracted, including whole series of Journals and
1469
Transactions, I am surprised at my industry. I soon perceived that
1470
selection was the keystone of man's success in making useful races of
1471
animals and plants. But how selection could be applied to organisms
1472
living in a state of nature remained for some time a mystery to me.
1473
1474
In October 1838, that is, fifteen months after I had begun my systematic
1475
enquiry, I happened to read for amusement 'Malthus on Population,'
1476
and being well prepared to appreciate the struggle for existence which
1477
everywhere goes on from long-continued observation of the habits of
1478
animals and plants, it at once struck me that under these circumstances
1479
favourable variations would tend to be preserved, and unfavourable
1480
ones to be destroyed. The result of this would be the formation of new
1481
species. Here then I had at last got a theory by which to work; but I
1482
was so anxious to avoid prejudice, that I determined not for some time
1483
to write even the briefest sketch of it. In June 1842 I first allowed
1484
myself the satisfaction of writing a very brief abstract of my theory in
1485
pencil in 35 pages; and this was enlarged during the summer of 1844 into
1486
one of 230 pages, which I had fairly copied out and still possess.
1487
1488
But at that time I overlooked one problem of great importance; and it is
1489
astonishing to me, except on the principle of Columbus and his egg,
1490
how I could have overlooked it and its solution. This problem is the
1491
tendency in organic beings descended from the same stock to diverge in
1492
character as they become modified. That they have diverged greatly is
1493
obvious from the manner in which species of all kinds can be classed
1494
under genera, genera under families, families under sub-orders and
1495
so forth; and I can remember the very spot in the road, whilst in my
1496
carriage, when to my joy the solution occurred to me; and this was
1497
long after I had come to Down. The solution, as I believe, is that the
1498
modified offspring of all dominant and increasing forms tend to become
1499
adapted to many and highly diversified places in the economy of nature.
1500
1501
Early in 1856 Lyell advised me to write out my views pretty fully, and
1502
I began at once to do so on a scale three or four times as extensive as
1503
that which was afterwards followed in my 'Origin of Species;' yet it
1504
was only an abstract of the materials which I had collected, and I got
1505
through about half the work on this scale. But my plans were overthrown,
1506
for early in the summer of 1858 Mr. Wallace, who was then in the Malay
1507
archipelago, sent me an essay "On the Tendency of Varieties to depart
1508
indefinitely from the Original Type;" and this essay contained exactly
1509
the same theory as mine. Mr. Wallace expressed the wish that if I
1510
thought well of his essay, I should sent it to Lyell for perusal.
1511
1512
The circumstances under which I consented at the request of Lyell and
1513
Hooker to allow of an abstract from my MS., together with a letter to
1514
Asa Gray, dated September 5, 1857, to be published at the same time with
1515
Wallace's Essay, are given in the 'Journal of the Proceedings of the
1516
Linnean Society,' 1858, page 45. I was at first very unwilling
1517
to consent, as I thought Mr. Wallace might consider my doing so
1518
unjustifiable, for I did not then know how generous and noble was his
1519
disposition. The extract from my MS. and the letter to Asa Gray had
1520
neither been intended for publication, and were badly written. Mr.
1521
Wallace's essay, on the other hand, was admirably expressed and
1522
quite clear. Nevertheless, our joint productions excited very little
1523
attention, and the only published notice of them which I can remember
1524
was by Professor Haughton of Dublin, whose verdict was that all that
1525
was new in them was false, and what was true was old. This shows how
1526
necessary it is that any new view should be explained at considerable
1527
length in order to arouse public attention.
1528
1529
In September 1858 I set to work by the strong advice of Lyell and Hooker
1530
to prepare a volume on the transmutation of species, but was often
1531
interrupted by ill-health, and short visits to Dr. Lane's delightful
1532
hydropathic establishment at Moor Park. I abstracted the MS. begun on a
1533
much larger scale in 1856, and completed the volume on the same reduced
1534
scale. It cost me thirteen months and ten days' hard labour. It was
1535
published under the title of the 'Origin of Species,' in November 1859.
1536
Though considerably added to and corrected in the later editions, it has
1537
remained substantially the same book.
1538
1539
It is no doubt the chief work of my life. It was from the first highly
1540
successful. The first small edition of 1250 copies was sold on the day
1541
of publication, and a second edition of 3000 copies soon afterwards.
1542
Sixteen thousand copies have now (1876) been sold in England; and
1543
considering how stiff a book it is, this is a large sale. It has been
1544
translated into almost every European tongue, even into such languages
1545
as Spanish, Bohemian, Polish, and Russian. It has also, according to
1546
Miss Bird, been translated into Japanese (Miss Bird is mistaken, as I
1547
learn from Prof. Mitsukuri.--F.D.), and is there much studied. Even an
1548
essay in Hebrew has appeared on it, showing that the theory is contained
1549
in the Old Testament! The reviews were very numerous; for some time I
1550
collected all that appeared on the 'Origin' and on my related books, and
1551
these amount (excluding newspaper reviews) to 265; but after a time I
1552
gave up the attempt in despair. Many separate essays and books on the
1553
subject have appeared; and in Germany a catalogue or bibliography on
1554
"Darwinismus" has appeared every year or two.
1555
1556
The success of the 'Origin' may, I think, be attributed in large part to
1557
my having long before written two condensed sketches, and to my having
1558
finally abstracted a much larger manuscript, which was itself an
1559
abstract. By this means I was enabled to select the more striking facts
1560
and conclusions. I had, also, during many years followed a golden rule,
1561
namely, that whenever a published fact, a new observation or thought
1562
came across me, which was opposed to my general results, to make a
1563
memorandum of it without fail and at once; for I had found by experience
1564
that such facts and thoughts were far more apt to escape from the memory
1565
than favourable ones. Owing to this habit, very few objections were
1566
raised against my views which I had not at least noticed and attempted
1567
to answer.
1568
1569
It has sometimes been said that the success of the 'Origin' proved "that
1570
the subject was in the air," or "that men's minds were prepared for it."
1571
I do not think that this is strictly true, for I occasionally sounded
1572
not a few naturalists, and never happened to come across a single one
1573
who seemed to doubt about the permanence of species. Even Lyell and
1574
Hooker, though they would listen with interest to me, never seemed to
1575
agree. I tried once or twice to explain to able men what I meant by
1576
Natural Selection, but signally failed. What I believe was strictly
1577
true is that innumerable well-observed facts were stored in the minds
1578
of naturalists ready to take their proper places as soon as any theory
1579
which would receive them was sufficiently explained. Another element
1580
in the success of the book was its moderate size; and this I owe to the
1581
appearance of Mr. Wallace's essay; had I published on the scale in which
1582
I began to write in 1856, the book would have been four or five times as
1583
large as the 'Origin,' and very few would have had the patience to read
1584
it.
1585
1586
I gained much by my delay in publishing from about 1839, when the theory
1587
was clearly conceived, to 1859; and I lost nothing by it, for I cared
1588
very little whether men attributed most originality to me or Wallace;
1589
and his essay no doubt aided in the reception of the theory. I was
1590
forestalled in only one important point, which my vanity has always made
1591
me regret, namely, the explanation by means of the Glacial period of
1592
the presence of the same species of plants and of some few animals on
1593
distant mountain summits and in the arctic regions. This view pleased me
1594
so much that I wrote it out in extenso, and I believe that it was read
1595
by Hooker some years before E. Forbes published his celebrated memoir
1596
('Geolog. Survey Mem.,' 1846.) on the subject. In the very few points in
1597
which we differed, I still think that I was in the right. I have never,
1598
of course, alluded in print to my having independently worked out this
1599
view.
1600
1601
Hardly any point gave me so much satisfaction when I was at work on
1602
the 'Origin,' as the explanation of the wide difference in many classes
1603
between the embryo and the adult animal, and of the close resemblance of
1604
the embryos within the same class. No notice of this point was taken, as
1605
far as I remember, in the early reviews of the 'Origin,' and I recollect
1606
expressing my surprise on this head in a letter to Asa Gray. Within late
1607
years several reviewers have given the whole credit to Fritz Muller and
1608
Hackel, who undoubtedly have worked it out much more fully, and in some
1609
respects more correctly than I did. I had materials for a whole chapter
1610
on the subject, and I ought to have made the discussion longer; for it
1611
is clear that I failed to impress my readers; and he who succeeds in
1612
doing so deserves, in my opinion, all the credit.
1613
1614
This leads me to remark that I have almost always been treated honestly
1615
by my reviewers, passing over those without scientific knowledge as
1616
not worthy of notice. My views have often been grossly misrepresented,
1617
bitterly opposed and ridiculed, but this has been generally done, as I
1618
believe, in good faith. On the whole I do not doubt that my works have
1619
been over and over again greatly overpraised. I rejoice that I have
1620
avoided controversies, and this I owe to Lyell, who many years ago,
1621
in reference to my geological works, strongly advised me never to get
1622
entangled in a controversy, as it rarely did any good and caused a
1623
miserable loss of time and temper.
1624
1625
Whenever I have found out that I have blundered, or that my work has
1626
been imperfect, and when I have been contemptuously criticised, and even
1627
when I have been overpraised, so that I have felt mortified, it has
1628
been my greatest comfort to say hundreds of times to myself that "I
1629
have worked as hard and as well as I could, and no man can do more
1630
than this." I remember when in Good Success Bay, in Tierra del Fuego,
1631
thinking (and, I believe, that I wrote home to the effect) that I could
1632
not employ my life better than in adding a little to Natural Science.
1633
This I have done to the best of my abilities, and critics may say what
1634
they like, but they cannot destroy this conviction.
1635
1636
During the two last months of 1859 I was fully occupied in preparing a
1637
second edition of the 'Origin,' and by an enormous correspondence.
1638
On January 1st, 1860, I began arranging my notes for my work on the
1639
'Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication;' but it was not
1640
published until the beginning of 1868; the delay having been caused
1641
partly by frequent illnesses, one of which lasted seven months, and
1642
partly by being tempted to publish on other subjects which at the time
1643
interested me more.
1644
1645
On May 15th, 1862, my little book on the 'Fertilisation of Orchids,'
1646
which cost me ten months' work, was published: most of the facts had
1647
been slowly accumulated during several previous years. During the summer
1648
of 1839, and, I believe, during the previous summer, I was led to attend
1649
to the cross-fertilisation of flowers by the aid of insects, from having
1650
come to the conclusion in my speculations on the origin of species, that
1651
crossing played an important part in keeping specific forms constant. I
1652
attended to the subject more or less during every subsequent summer; and
1653
my interest in it was greatly enhanced by having procured and read
1654
in November 1841, through the advice of Robert Brown, a copy of C.K.
1655
Sprengel's wonderful book, 'Das entdeckte Geheimniss der Natur.' For
1656
some years before 1862 I had specially attended to the fertilisation
1657
of our British orchids; and it seemed to me the best plan to prepare as
1658
complete a treatise on this group of plants as well as I could, rather
1659
than to utilise the great mass of matter which I had slowly collected
1660
with respect to other plants.
1661
1662
My resolve proved a wise one; for since the appearance of my book, a
1663
surprising number of papers and separate works on the fertilisation of
1664
all kinds of flowers have appeared: and these are far better done than
1665
I could possibly have effected. The merits of poor old Sprengel, so long
1666
overlooked, are now fully recognised many years after his death.
1667
1668
During the same year I published in the 'Journal of the Linnean Society'
1669
a paper "On the Two Forms, or Dimorphic Condition of Primula,"
1670
and during the next five years, five other papers on dimorphic and
1671
trimorphic plants. I do not think anything in my scientific life has
1672
given me so much satisfaction as making out the meaning of the structure
1673
of these plants. I had noticed in 1838 or 1839 the dimorphism of Linum
1674
flavum, and had at first thought that it was merely a case of unmeaning
1675
variability. But on examining the common species of Primula I found that
1676
the two forms were much too regular and constant to be thus viewed. I
1677
therefore became almost convinced that the common cowslip and primrose
1678
were on the high road to become dioecious;--that the short pistil in the
1679
one form, and the short stamens in the other form were tending towards
1680
abortion. The plants were therefore subjected under this point of view
1681
to trial; but as soon as the flowers with short pistils fertilised with
1682
pollen from the short stamens, were found to yield more seeds than any
1683
other of the four possible unions, the abortion-theory was knocked on
1684
the head. After some additional experiment, it became evident that the
1685
two forms, though both were perfect hermaphrodites, bore almost the same
1686
relation to one another as do the two sexes of an ordinary animal. With
1687
Lythrum we have the still more wonderful case of three forms standing in
1688
a similar relation to one another. I afterwards found that the offspring
1689
from the union of two plants belonging to the same forms presented a
1690
close and curious analogy with hybrids from the union of two distinct
1691
species.
1692
1693
In the autumn of 1864 I finished a long paper on 'Climbing Plants,' and
1694
sent it to the Linnean Society. The writing of this paper cost me four
1695
months; but I was so unwell when I received the proof-sheets that I was
1696
forced to leave them very badly and often obscurely expressed. The paper
1697
was little noticed, but when in 1875 it was corrected and published as a
1698
separate book it sold well. I was led to take up this subject by reading
1699
a short paper by Asa Gray, published in 1858. He sent me seeds, and
1700
on raising some plants I was so much fascinated and perplexed by the
1701
revolving movements of the tendrils and stems, which movements are
1702
really very simple, though appearing at first sight very complex, that
1703
I procured various other kinds of climbing plants, and studied the
1704
whole subject. I was all the more attracted to it, from not being at all
1705
satisfied with the explanation which Henslow gave us in his lectures,
1706
about twining plants, namely, that they had a natural tendency to grow
1707
up in a spire. This explanation proved quite erroneous. Some of the
1708
adaptations displayed by Climbing Plants are as beautiful as those of
1709
Orchids for ensuring cross-fertilisation.
1710
1711
My 'Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication' was begun, as
1712
already stated, in the beginning of 1860, but was not published until
1713
the beginning of 1868. It was a big book, and cost me four years and two
1714
months' hard labour. It gives all my observations and an immense number
1715
of facts collected from various sources, about our domestic productions.
1716
In the second volume the causes and laws of variation, inheritance,
1717
etc., are discussed as far as our present state of knowledge permits.
1718
Towards the end of the work I give my well-abused hypothesis of
1719
Pangenesis. An unverified hypothesis is of little or no value; but if
1720
anyone should hereafter be led to make observations by which some such
1721
hypothesis could be established, I shall have done good service, as an
1722
astonishing number of isolated facts can be thus connected together and
1723
rendered intelligible. In 1875 a second and largely corrected edition,
1724
which cost me a good deal of labour, was brought out.
1725
1726
My 'Descent of Man' was published in February, 1871. As soon as I had
1727
become, in the year 1837 or 1838, convinced that species were mutable
1728
productions, I could not avoid the belief that man must come under
1729
the same law. Accordingly I collected notes on the subject for my own
1730
satisfaction, and not for a long time with any intention of publishing.
1731
Although in the 'Origin of Species' the derivation of any particular
1732
species is never discussed, yet I thought it best, in order that no
1733
honourable man should accuse me of concealing my views, to add that by
1734
the work "light would be thrown on the origin of man and his history."
1735
It would have been useless and injurious to the success of the book to
1736
have paraded, without giving any evidence, my conviction with respect to
1737
his origin.
1738
1739
But when I found that many naturalists fully accepted the doctrine of
1740
the evolution of species, it seemed to me advisable to work up such
1741
notes as I possessed, and to publish a special treatise on the origin of
1742
man. I was the more glad to do so, as it gave me an opportunity of
1743
fully discussing sexual selection--a subject which had always greatly
1744
interested me. This subject, and that of the variation of our
1745
domestic productions, together with the causes and laws of variation,
1746
inheritance, and the intercrossing of plants, are the sole subjects
1747
which I have been able to write about in full, so as to use all the
1748
materials which I have collected. The 'Descent of Man' took me three
1749
years to write, but then as usual some of this time was lost by ill
1750
health, and some was consumed by preparing new editions and other minor
1751
works. A second and largely corrected edition of the 'Descent' appeared
1752
in 1874.
1753
1754
My book on the 'Expression of the Emotions in Men and Animals' was
1755
published in the autumn of 1872. I had intended to give only a chapter
1756
on the subject in the 'Descent of Man,' but as soon as I began to put my
1757
notes together, I saw that it would require a separate treatise.
1758
1759
My first child was born on December 27th, 1839, and I at once commenced
1760
to make notes on the first dawn of the various expressions which he
1761
exhibited, for I felt convinced, even at this early period, that the
1762
most complex and fine shades of expression must all have had a gradual
1763
and natural origin. During the summer of the following year, 1840,
1764
I read Sir C. Bell's admirable work on expression, and this greatly
1765
increased the interest which I felt in the subject, though I could not
1766
at all agree with his belief that various muscles had been specially
1767
created for the sake of expression. From this time forward I
1768
occasionally attended to the subject, both with respect to man and our
1769
domesticated animals. My book sold largely; 5267 copies having been
1770
disposed of on the day of publication.
1771
1772
In the summer of 1860 I was idling and resting near Hartfield, where two
1773
species of Drosera abound; and I noticed that numerous insects had been
1774
entrapped by the leaves. I carried home some plants, and on giving them
1775
insects saw the movements of the tentacles, and this made me think
1776
it probable that the insects were caught for some special purpose.
1777
Fortunately a crucial test occurred to me, that of placing a large
1778
number of leaves in various nitrogenous and non-nitrogenous fluids of
1779
equal density; and as soon as I found that the former alone excited
1780
energetic movements, it was obvious that here was a fine new field for
1781
investigation.
1782
1783
During subsequent years, whenever I had leisure, I pursued my
1784
experiments, and my book on 'Insectivorous Plants' was published in July
1785
1875--that is, sixteen years after my first observations. The delay in
1786
this case, as with all my other books, has been a great advantage to me;
1787
for a man after a long interval can criticise his own work, almost as
1788
well as if it were that of another person. The fact that a plant should
1789
secrete, when properly excited, a fluid containing an acid and ferment,
1790
closely analogous to the digestive fluid of an animal, was certainly a
1791
remarkable discovery.
1792
1793
During this autumn of 1876 I shall publish on the 'Effects of Cross
1794
and Self-Fertilisation in the Vegetable Kingdom.' This book will form a
1795
complement to that on the 'Fertilisation of Orchids,' in which I showed
1796
how perfect were the means for cross-fertilisation, and here I shall
1797
show how important are the results. I was led to make, during eleven
1798
years, the numerous experiments recorded in this volume, by a mere
1799
accidental observation; and indeed it required the accident to be
1800
repeated before my attention was thoroughly aroused to the remarkable
1801
fact that seedlings of self-fertilised parentage are inferior, even
1802
in the first generation, in height and vigour to seedlings of
1803
cross-fertilised parentage. I hope also to republish a revised edition
1804
of my book on Orchids, and hereafter my papers on dimorphic and
1805
trimorphic plants, together with some additional observations on allied
1806
points which I never have had time to arrange. My strength will then
1807
probably be exhausted, and I shall be ready to exclaim "Nunc dimittis."
1808
1809
1810
1811
1812
WRITTEN MAY 1ST, 1881.
1813
1814
'The Effects of Cross and Self-Fertilisation' was published in the
1815
autumn of 1876; and the results there arrived at explain, as I believe,
1816
the endless and wonderful contrivances for the transportal of pollen
1817
from one plant to another of the same species. I now believe, however,
1818
chiefly from the observations of Hermann Muller, that I ought to
1819
have insisted more strongly than I did on the many adaptations for
1820
self-fertilisation; though I was well aware of many such adaptations. A
1821
much enlarged edition of my 'Fertilisation of Orchids' was published in
1822
1877.
1823
1824
In this same year 'The Different Forms of Flowers, etc.,' appeared,
1825
and in 1880 a second edition. This book consists chiefly of the several
1826
papers on Heterostyled flowers originally published by the Linnean
1827
Society, corrected, with much new matter added, together with
1828
observations on some other cases in which the same plant bears two kinds
1829
of flowers. As before remarked, no little discovery of mine ever gave me
1830
so much pleasure as the making out the meaning of heterostyled flowers.
1831
The results of crossing such flowers in an illegitimate manner, I
1832
believe to be very important, as bearing on the sterility of hybrids;
1833
although these results have been noticed by only a few persons.
1834
1835
In 1879, I had a translation of Dr. Ernst Krause's 'Life of Erasmus
1836
Darwin' published, and I added a sketch of his character and habits from
1837
material in my possession. Many persons have been much interested by
1838
this little life, and I am surprised that only 800 or 900 copies were
1839
sold.
1840
1841
In 1880 I published, with [my son] Frank's assistance, our 'Power of
1842
Movement in Plants.' This was a tough piece of work. The book bears
1843
somewhat the same relation to my little book on 'Climbing Plants,' which
1844
'Cross-Fertilisation' did to the 'Fertilisation of Orchids;' for in
1845
accordance with the principle of evolution it was impossible to account
1846
for climbing plants having been developed in so many widely different
1847
groups unless all kinds of plants possess some slight power of movement
1848
of an analogous kind. This I proved to be the case; and I was further
1849
led to a rather wide generalisation, viz. that the great and important
1850
classes of movements, excited by light, the attraction of gravity, etc.,
1851
are all modified forms of the fundamental movement of circumnutation. It
1852
has always pleased me to exalt plants in the scale of organised beings;
1853
and I therefore felt an especial pleasure in showing how many and what
1854
admirably well adapted movements the tip of a root possesses.
1855
1856
I have now (May 1, 1881) sent to the printers the MS. of a little book
1857
on 'The Formation of Vegetable Mould, through the Action of Worms.' This
1858
is a subject of but small importance; and I know not whether it will
1859
interest any readers (Between November 1881 and February 1884, 8500
1860
copies have been sold.), but it has interested me. It is the completion
1861
of a short paper read before the Geological Society more than forty
1862
years ago, and has revived old geological thoughts.
1863
1864
I have now mentioned all the books which I have published, and these
1865
have been the milestones in my life, so that little remains to be said.
1866
I am not conscious of any change in my mind during the last thirty
1867
years, excepting in one point presently to be mentioned; nor, indeed,
1868
could any change have been expected unless one of general deterioration.
1869
But my father lived to his eighty-third year with his mind as lively as
1870
ever it was, and all his faculties undimmed; and I hope that I may die
1871
before my mind fails to a sensible extent. I think that I have become
1872
a little more skilful in guessing right explanations and in devising
1873
experimental tests; but this may probably be the result of mere
1874
practice, and of a larger store of knowledge. I have as much difficulty
1875
as ever in expressing myself clearly and concisely; and this difficulty
1876
has caused me a very great loss of time; but it has had the compensating
1877
advantage of forcing me to think long and intently about every sentence,
1878
and thus I have been led to see errors in reasoning and in my own
1879
observations or those of others.
1880
1881
There seems to be a sort of fatality in my mind leading me to put at
1882
first my statement or proposition in a wrong or awkward form. Formerly
1883
I used to think about my sentences before writing them down; but for
1884
several years I have found that it saves time to scribble in a vile hand
1885
whole pages as quickly as I possibly can, contracting half the words;
1886
and then correct deliberately. Sentences thus scribbled down are often
1887
better ones than I could have written deliberately.
1888
1889
Having said thus much about my manner of writing, I will add that with
1890
my large books I spend a good deal of time over the general arrangement
1891
of the matter. I first make the rudest outline in two or three pages,
1892
and then a larger one in several pages, a few words or one word standing
1893
for a whole discussion or series of facts. Each one of these headings is
1894
again enlarged and often transferred before I begin to write in extenso.
1895
As in several of my books facts observed by others have been very
1896
extensively used, and as I have always had several quite distinct
1897
subjects in hand at the same time, I may mention that I keep from thirty
1898
to forty large portfolios, in cabinets with labelled shelves, into which
1899
I can at once put a detached reference or memorandum. I have bought many
1900
books, and at their ends I make an index of all the facts that concern
1901
my work; or, if the book is not my own, write out a separate abstract,
1902
and of such abstracts I have a large drawer full. Before beginning
1903
on any subject I look to all the short indexes and make a general and
1904
classified index, and by taking the one or more proper portfolios I have
1905
all the information collected during my life ready for use.
1906
1907
I have said that in one respect my mind has changed during the last
1908
twenty or thirty years. Up to the age of thirty, or beyond it, poetry
1909
of many kinds, such as the works of Milton, Gray, Byron, Wordsworth,
1910
Coleridge, and Shelley, gave me great pleasure, and even as a schoolboy
1911
I took intense delight in Shakespeare, especially in the historical
1912
plays. I have also said that formerly pictures gave me considerable, and
1913
music very great delight. But now for many years I cannot endure to read
1914
a line of poetry: I have tried lately to read Shakespeare, and found
1915
it so intolerably dull that it nauseated me. I have also almost lost
1916
my taste for pictures or music. Music generally sets me thinking too
1917
energetically on what I have been at work on, instead of giving me
1918
pleasure. I retain some taste for fine scenery, but it does not cause me
1919
the exquisite delight which it formerly did. On the other hand, novels
1920
which are works of the imagination, though not of a very high order,
1921
have been for years a wonderful relief and pleasure to me, and I often
1922
bless all novelists. A surprising number have been read aloud to me, and
1923
I like all if moderately good, and if they do not end unhappily--against
1924
which a law ought to be passed. A novel, according to my taste, does not
1925
come into the first class unless it contains some person whom one can
1926
thoroughly love, and if a pretty woman all the better.
1927
1928
This curious and lamentable loss of the higher aesthetic tastes is all
1929
the odder, as books on history, biographies, and travels (independently
1930
of any scientific facts which they may contain), and essays on all sorts
1931
of subjects interest me as much as ever they did. My mind seems to
1932
have become a kind of machine for grinding general laws out of large
1933
collections of facts, but why this should have caused the atrophy of
1934
that part of the brain alone, on which the higher tastes depend, I
1935
cannot conceive. A man with a mind more highly organised or better
1936
constituted than mine, would not, I suppose, have thus suffered; and
1937
if I had to live my life again, I would have made a rule to read some
1938
poetry and listen to some music at least once every week; for perhaps
1939
the parts of my brain now atrophied would thus have been kept active
1940
through use. The loss of these tastes is a loss of happiness, and may
1941
possibly be injurious to the intellect, and more probably to the moral
1942
character, by enfeebling the emotional part of our nature.
1943
1944
My books have sold largely in England, have been translated into many
1945
languages, and passed through several editions in foreign countries. I
1946
have heard it said that the success of a work abroad is the best test
1947
of its enduring value. I doubt whether this is at all trustworthy; but
1948
judged by this standard my name ought to last for a few years. Therefore
1949
it may be worth while to try to analyse the mental qualities and the
1950
conditions on which my success has depended; though I am aware that no
1951
man can do this correctly.
1952
1953
I have no great quickness of apprehension or wit which is so remarkable
1954
in some clever men, for instance, Huxley. I am therefore a poor critic:
1955
a paper or book, when first read, generally excites my admiration,
1956
and it is only after considerable reflection that I perceive the weak
1957
points. My power to follow a long and purely abstract train of thought
1958
is very limited; and therefore I could never have succeeded with
1959
metaphysics or mathematics. My memory is extensive, yet hazy: it
1960
suffices to make me cautious by vaguely telling me that I have observed
1961
or read something opposed to the conclusion which I am drawing, or
1962
on the other hand in favour of it; and after a time I can generally
1963
recollect where to search for my authority. So poor in one sense is my
1964
memory, that I have never been able to remember for more than a few days
1965
a single date or a line of poetry.
1966
1967
Some of my critics have said, "Oh, he is a good observer, but he has
1968
no power of reasoning!" I do not think that this can be true, for the
1969
'Origin of Species' is one long argument from the beginning to the end,
1970
and it has convinced not a few able men. No one could have written
1971
it without having some power of reasoning. I have a fair share of
1972
invention, and of common sense or judgment, such as every fairly
1973
successful lawyer or doctor must have, but not, I believe, in any higher
1974
degree.
1975
1976
On the favourable side of the balance, I think that I am superior to the
1977
common run of men in noticing things which easily escape attention, and
1978
in observing them carefully. My industry has been nearly as great as it
1979
could have been in the observation and collection of facts. What is far
1980
more important, my love of natural science has been steady and ardent.
1981
1982
This pure love has, however, been much aided by the ambition to be
1983
esteemed by my fellow naturalists. From my early youth I have had the
1984
strongest desire to understand or explain whatever I observed,--that is,
1985
to group all facts under some general laws. These causes combined have
1986
given me the patience to reflect or ponder for any number of years over
1987
any unexplained problem. As far as I can judge, I am not apt to follow
1988
blindly the lead of other men. I have steadily endeavoured to keep my
1989
mind free so as to give up any hypothesis, however much beloved (and I
1990
cannot resist forming one on every subject), as soon as facts are shown
1991
to be opposed to it. Indeed, I have had no choice but to act in this
1992
manner, for with the exception of the Coral Reefs, I cannot remember a
1993
single first-formed hypothesis which had not after a time to be given
1994
up or greatly modified. This has naturally led me to distrust greatly
1995
deductive reasoning in the mixed sciences. On the other hand, I am not
1996
very sceptical,--a frame of mind which I believe to be injurious to the
1997
progress of science. A good deal of scepticism in a scientific man is
1998
advisable to avoid much loss of time, but I have met with not a few
1999
men, who, I feel sure, have often thus been deterred from experiment
2000
or observations, which would have proved directly or indirectly
2001
serviceable.
2002
2003
In illustration, I will give the oddest case which I have known. A
2004
gentleman (who, as I afterwards heard, is a good local botanist) wrote
2005
to me from the Eastern counties that the seed or beans of the common
2006
field-bean had this year everywhere grown on the wrong side of the pod.
2007
I wrote back, asking for further information, as I did not understand
2008
what was meant; but I did not receive any answer for a very long time.
2009
I then saw in two newspapers, one published in Kent and the other in
2010
Yorkshire, paragraphs stating that it was a most remarkable fact that
2011
"the beans this year had all grown on the wrong side." So I thought
2012
there must be some foundation for so general a statement. Accordingly,
2013
I went to my gardener, an old Kentish man, and asked him whether he had
2014
heard anything about it, and he answered, "Oh, no, sir, it must be a
2015
mistake, for the beans grow on the wrong side only on leap-year, and
2016
this is not leap-year." I then asked him how they grew in common years
2017
and how on leap-years, but soon found that he knew absolutely nothing of
2018
how they grew at any time, but he stuck to his belief.
2019
2020
After a time I heard from my first informant, who, with many apologies,
2021
said that he should not have written to me had he not heard the
2022
statement from several intelligent farmers; but that he had since spoken
2023
again to every one of them, and not one knew in the least what he had
2024
himself meant. So that here a belief--if indeed a statement with no
2025
definite idea attached to it can be called a belief--had spread over
2026
almost the whole of England without any vestige of evidence.
2027
2028
I have known in the course of my life only three intentionally falsified
2029
statements, and one of these may have been a hoax (and there have
2030
been several scientific hoaxes) which, however, took in an American
2031
Agricultural Journal. It related to the formation in Holland of a new
2032
breed of oxen by the crossing of distinct species of Bos (some of which
2033
I happen to know are sterile together), and the author had the impudence
2034
to state that he had corresponded with me, and that I had been deeply
2035
impressed with the importance of his result. The article was sent to me
2036
by the editor of an English Agricultural Journal, asking for my opinion
2037
before republishing it.
2038
2039
A second case was an account of several varieties, raised by the author
2040
from several species of Primula, which had spontaneously yielded a
2041
full complement of seed, although the parent plants had been carefully
2042
protected from the access of insects. This account was published before
2043
I had discovered the meaning of heterostylism, and the whole statement
2044
must have been fraudulent, or there was neglect in excluding insects so
2045
gross as to be scarcely credible.
2046
2047
The third case was more curious: Mr. Huth published in his book on
2048
'Consanguineous Marriage' some long extracts from a Belgian author, who
2049
stated that he had interbred rabbits in the closest manner for very
2050
many generations, without the least injurious effects. The account was
2051
published in a most respectable Journal, that of the Royal Society of
2052
Belgium; but I could not avoid feeling doubts--I hardly know why, except
2053
that there were no accidents of any kind, and my experience in breeding
2054
animals made me think this very improbable.
2055
2056
So with much hesitation I wrote to Professor Van Beneden, asking him
2057
whether the author was a trustworthy man. I soon heard in answer that
2058
the Society had been greatly shocked by discovering that the whole
2059
account was a fraud. (The falseness of the published statements on which
2060
Mr. Huth relied has been pointed out by himself in a slip inserted in
2061
all the copies of his book which then remained unsold.) The writer had
2062
been publicly challenged in the Journal to say where he had resided and
2063
kept his large stock of rabbits while carrying on his experiments, which
2064
must have consumed several years, and no answer could be extracted from
2065
him.
2066
2067
My habits are methodical, and this has been of not a little use for
2068
my particular line of work. Lastly, I have had ample leisure from not
2069
having to earn my own bread. Even ill-health, though it has annihilated
2070
several years of my life, has saved me from the distractions of society
2071
and amusement.
2072
2073
Therefore my success as a man of science, whatever this may have
2074
amounted to, has been determined, as far as I can judge, by complex
2075
and diversified mental qualities and conditions. Of these, the most
2076
important have been--the love of science--unbounded patience in long
2077
reflecting over any subject--industry in observing and collecting
2078
facts--and a fair share of invention as well as of common sense. With
2079
such moderate abilities as I possess, it is truly surprising that I
2080
should have influenced to a considerable extent the belief of scientific
2081
men on some important points.
2082
2083
2084
2085
2086