Republicans, Democrats, and China
Human rights used to be a
Democratic concern. When Jimmy Carter tried to put the issue at the center of
his foreign policy, Republicans charged that he was being woolly minded and
naive. Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, who rose to fame as a critic of Carter's human
rights efforts, argued that pestering friendly regimes about their political
prisoners played into the hands of the Communists, whose human rights records
were invariably worse.
Even the
Republican human rights concern about Communist regimes had one great
exception: China. Partly because of China's Cold War value as a rival of the
Soviet Union, partly because Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger started the
rapprochement, partly because the American business establishment has embraced
China so enthusiastically, and partly for reasons that remain mysterious, the
Republican Party has had a soft spot for the world's largest Communist regime
for almost three decades.
These days, though, you're more likely to hear Republicans
complaining about the neglect of human rights in China by a Democratic
president. Such objections first arose in 1994, when the Clinton administration
made a sudden about-face, declaring it would "delink" Chinese trade policy from
human rights. In the last year, conservatives, including elements on the
evangelical and protectionist right, have gone so far as to make common cause
with the trendy left on the issue. When Chinese President Jiang Zemin visited
Washington last fall, Gary Bauer of the Family Research Council was spotted
picketing alongside Bianca Jagger and Richard Gere.
Conservative nagging about human rights has intensified lately. In recent days,
Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott and House Majority Leader Dick Armey have
said they may oppose Clinton's latest effort to renew China's Most Favored
Nation trade status again. Doing their best to take advantage of the Chinese
money scandal, Republicans have called on Clinton to cancel his trip to China
scheduled for later this month, which will be the first U.S. presidential visit
since the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989. "We will reach the nadir of our
abandonment of human rights if Clinton appears at Tiananmen Square," Rep.
Christopher Cox, the California Republican directing the House investigation
into the transfer of satellite technology, was recently quoted as saying.
Have the tables turned? Yes, but not for the
first time--or even the second. The Republican call to put human rights ahead
of geopolitics in our relations with the Chinese is just the latest expression
of a bad habit that has existed in American politics since Nixon established
ties with them in 1972. Those out of power love to accuse those in power of
being overly solicitous toward Beijing on human rights and other issues. But
the critique is disingenuous. If and when they come to wield responsibility
themselves, these critics drop their objections and adopt the same policy. The
value of maintaining a cordial relationship with an emerging superpower
inevitably takes precedence over other concerns.
Nixon
himself set the pattern. As a senator and presidential candidate, Nixon was a
leading China baiter. In the 1960 presidential debates, he blasted John F.
Kennedy for being ready to abandon Quemoy and Matsu, two tiny Taiwanese
islands. A decade or so later, of course, Nixon executed a daring flip-flop,
initiating diplomatic contact with China for the first time since 1949. Carter
followed essentially the same course Nixon did. As a candidate in 1976, he
criticized Gerald Ford for continuing Nixon's policy of Realpolitik at
the expense of human rights. But once ensconced in the White House, Carter
downgraded our relations with Taiwan and restored formal diplomatic ties with
the People's Republic of China in 1978. It was also Carter who granted MFN
trade status to China for the first time and invited Deng Xiaoping to visit the
United States.
Conservative Republicans such as Ronald Reagan often
criticized Carter for selling out Taiwan in his pursuit of friendship with the
PRC. But once elected, Reagan, too, went squishy on China. In 1981, he
abandoned his plans to sell advanced fighter planes to Taiwan, a move that
would have offended the mainland Chinese. More importantly, Reagan never
switched back to a pre-Nixon two-China policy, as he had threatened. In 1984,
he visited China. The trip was a warm bath of conciliation. On the way home, he
said he didn't want to impose our system of government upon others.
You might
think that George Bush, a lifelong Sinophile, would be the exception to this
rule, but he was not. In the late 1970s, as he prepared to run against Reagan
for the Republican presidential nomination, Bush opposed Carter's move to
establish formal diplomatic relations with the PRC, calling it "an abject
American retreat." "China needs us more than we need them," he wrote in a 1978
article in the Washington Post . "China ... has now seen just how easily
we can be pushed around." Bush blasted Carter for not obtaining stronger
guarantees on the security of Taiwan. In office, of course, Bush supported MFN
renewal even in the immediate aftermath of the Tiananmen Square massacre. His
National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft made a secret visit to Beijing just
five weeks after the massacre to reassure Chinese leaders of America's
friendship.
This led Bill Clinton to denounce Bush's China
policy during the 1992 campaign. In one speech, Clinton charged Bush with
"coddling aging rulers with undisguised contempt for democracy, for human
rights." In another speech, Clinton said, "There is no more striking example of
Mr. Bush's indifference toward democracy than his policy toward China." Clinton
said that, if elected, he'd withdraw all trade privileges from China "as long
as they're locking people up." Once elected, he decided that using trade policy
to leverage improvements in human rights was counterproductive. In supporting
MFN renewal in 1994, Clinton announced a new policy of what has alternately
been called "constructive engagement," "commercial engagement," and "pragmatic
engagement." Like its Republican predecessors, the administration now contends
that pushing for human rights improvements quietly and behind the scenes is
more effective.
Some Republicans have tried
to imply that the Chinese purchased the Clinton administration's favor with
illegal campaign cash. At this stage, it is still far from proved that anyone
in the Clinton administration knew that the Democratic Party was getting money
from China or that money had an influence on its policies. But if the Chinese
did try to buy favor with the Democrats, it may have been because they already
owned the Republicans. Not having seen a Democratic administration in a dozen
years, they might well have been worried that the new one elected in 1992 would
actually follow through on its rhetoric about human rights and democracy. With
the Republicans, they understood there would be no deviation from Nixon's
policy of accommodation.
The Chinese need not have
worried. Whether it is a process of being captured by the China hands at the
State Department or the sobering effects of real power, no American president
since Nixon has dared to lean hard on China. In 1996, Robert Dole, a longtime
supporter of MFN renewal, predictably accused Clinton of "weakness and
indecision, double-talk and incoherence" in his approach to Beijing. But had
Dole won the election, our policy would almost certainly have remained the
same. This is worth bearing in mind during the president's upcoming trip to
China. In politics, the yang predominates. In power, the yin reasserts
itself.
