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Kodak's Blurry Focus
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Click.
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When George Fisher came to
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Eastman Kodak in 1994, he brought with him a reputation for being a
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technological visionary and a manager who had figured out what it took to turn
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a company around. Fisher's tenure at Motorola, one of the great business
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success stories of the last two decades, had been marked by dramatic
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improvements in quality, productivity, and innovation, capped by Motorola's
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reinvention of the cellular-pager market. Similar feats were expected at
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Kodak.
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Instead, Fisher has floundered. In his first two years, he did do an excellent
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impersonation of a turnaround specialist, ridding Kodak of the nonfilm
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businesses--Eastman Chemical and Sterling Winthrop Drug--that it had acquired
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during the days when conglomeration was all the rage. But unlike such figures
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as Jack Welch at GE or the late Mike Walsh at Tenneco, Fisher has not been able
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to turn Kodak's "core competence"--as the management theorists would say--into
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a consistent moneymaker. On the contrary, Kodak's near-monopolistic control of
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the U.S. film market has been steadily eroded by Fuji Film's consistently lower
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prices. Meanwhile, Hewlett-Packard and Canon have moved strongly into the
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digital-camera market, which seems to be the future of photography as a
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whole.
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As a result, Kodak has had
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to lay off 27,000 employees since 1993, and just recently announced yet another
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restructuring plan. More tellingly, perhaps, Fisher has devoted an inordinate
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amount of the company's attention to its price war with Fuji. After Fuji cut
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prices by as much as 30 percent last summer, Kodak began making noises about
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charging its rival with "dumping" film here. Kodak had already spent much of
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the last two years pressing a case before the World Trade Organization. It
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charged Japan with illegal trade practices that kept Kodak out of consumer
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markets there and gave Fuji a "profit sanctuary" which allowed it to accept
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lower margins on its sales in the United States.
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Although the actual
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financial implications of the case were not huge, the psychological investment
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that Kodak had put into the WTO charges was immense. That this was a tactical
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error was made clear this month, when the WTO vindicated Fuji on all counts.
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Instead of seeming like a minor blow, the decision was portrayed as powerful
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evidence that Fisher's magic had failed him. But while dreaming of a trade
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victory to solve fundamental business problems seems like a dubious recipe for
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success, there's one important thing to remember: That was exactly the recipe
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that Fisher had learned while he was at Motorola.
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Cl ...
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Out of film.
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The Kodak-Fuji case was, as innumerable press
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accounts have pointed out, the most important case to come before the WTO in
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its two years of existence. Unfortunately for Kodak--and for supporters of free
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trade in general--it was also a case involving issues that seemed to fall just
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outside the WTO's jurisdiction. The trade organization was created in 1995 as
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the third leg of the world financial order, along with the International
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Monetary Fund and the World Bank. But while the WTO clearly has the authority
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to rule in tariff cases and quota cases, it doesn't seem to have authority over
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cases involving more subtle restraints on trade, primarily those created by
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arrangements between companies rather than by governments. (Click for more on
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the U.S. role in that restriction.)
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The
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Fuji case dealt with the tightly interlocked relationship between Fuji and
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Japan's four largest distributors of photographic film and paper, all of whom
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sold Fuji exclusively. Now, even under traditional antitrust law exclusive
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relationships are not necessarily illegal, since they make production and
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distribution more efficient. And clearly consumer companies are constantly in
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search of such arrangements. McDonald's sells only Coke. Martha Stewart's
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sheets and towels are sold only at Kmart. Department stores often fashion
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exclusive relationships with designers. Nonetheless, by being frozen out of the
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wholesale distribution market, Kodak has been frozen out of Japan's consumer
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market as well, particularly since Japan has a law restricting the number of
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large retail stores.
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The problem is that Kodak really had little
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evidence to show that it was being frozen out by the Japanese
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government . There was the retail-stores law, and Kodak produced evidence
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of state intervention to restrict imports, but it was evidence from the 1960s
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and 1970s. Fuji pointed out that Kodak had a larger market share in some
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regions of Japan than in others, and that at different points in the last two
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decades Kodak's market share actually fluctuated quite sharply. If what we're
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dealing with is a monopoly situation, then it's an imperfect monopoly at best.
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Given the limits on the WTO's jurisdiction, it was probably unreasonable of
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Kodak to expect a real victory.
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In a
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sense, though, what's most striking about the WTO case is not that Kodak lost,
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but that it put so much energy into winning. Kodak's history in Japan is
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actually a complicated one. In the 1960s and 1970s, the company altered the
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tint of its film to correspond to Japanese notions of skin tone (and I realize
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how weird that sounds), and also invented film that could be developed in
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normal light because so few Japanese photographers had darkrooms. In the 1980s,
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Kodak opened a major research center in Tokyo, staffed with Japanese engineers,
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and started a joint venture in which Canon made copiers sold under the Kodak
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name. The truth about the Japanese market has always been that it is
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penetrable, but only after tremendous effort. At one point, Kodak appeared to
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be making that effort. But even as it lost focus in its sales efforts at home,
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it lost focus abroad.
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We've become so accustomed to hearing U.S.
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companies complain about foreign competition that it's easy to see Kodak's
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post-defeat recriminations as just more whining. But even if the WTO had to
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rule as it did, the decision was a blow against open markets and seems likely
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to increase protectionist sentiment at home. Still, there is something about
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the Kodak suit that smacks of a company relying on a court to do the work it
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couldn't do itself. If you're looking for reasons why, consider the
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transformation of Motorola, from which Fisher came to Kodak. It was
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accomplished not merely through technological innovation or total quality
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management, but also through the remarkably effective lobbying efforts of the
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company's representatives in Washington.
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Under
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CEO Robert Galvin in the mid-1980s, Motorola got protection from Japanese
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dumping for the U.S. semiconductor industry. It got the Reagan administration
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to negotiate telecommunications agreements with Japan that were then used to
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ensure Motorola's access to the cellular market there. And it got the U.S.
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trade representative to impose retaliatory tariffs on Japanese cellular
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products until impediments to entering Japanese markets were lifted. These
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political interventions were essential ingredients in Motorola's rebirth as a
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high-tech company.
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The point is not that Motorola was on the wrong
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side of these questions, although dumping accusations too often mean, "They're
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selling better-quality products cheaper." The point is that Motorola only got
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its way by relying on a kind of military-industrial-complex approach to trade.
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(Click for more details on Motorola's campaign.)
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Surprisingly, though, Fisher
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seems not to have recognized how important Motorola's high-powered lobbying
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efforts were to its success in the trade wars. As a result, he threw Kodak into
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the WTO case while failing to see how much it mattered that Kodak couldn't
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stack the deck the way Motorola had. And in a sense, it's this failure to grasp
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the specificity of Kodak's present problems, this inability to separate Kodak's
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circumstances from Motorola's, that's characterized all Fisher's efforts over
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the past two years. The past casts shadows on him that are too long.
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