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The Yo-Yo Peace Plan
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With
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peace talks on a yo-yo, the previously Kosovo-obsessed editorial pages largely
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ignore the subject. In Britain, the Times and the Independent
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venture forth with scolding opinions on the peace plan. The Times : "President
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Clinton's admission that Russian troops in Kosovo may not now come under Nato
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control is irresponsible; only the probably tardy deployment of Russian forces
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can stop it being disastrous." The liberal Independent : "[N]or should we crack open the champagne if, or
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when, Slobodan Milosevic finally signs on the dotted line. The aftermath of
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such an agreement may prove to be almost as nightmarish as what came before."
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It concluded, "The military victory will, however, pale into insignificance by
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comparison with the task of recreating a civil society in Serbia. Above all,
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Serbia needs to win its own battles against intolerance. That will be a much
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more difficult war to fight."
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The
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world's papers showed no reluctance to pontificate on Monday's Indonesian
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elections. The slowness of the vote count, reported Hong Kong's South China Morning Post , resulted in the tabulation of less
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than 2 percent of the more than 116 million votes by Tuesday night, and the
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Straits
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Times of Singapore reported
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that "[s]ome tempers flared over the pace of the vote count." The government
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had promised a 50 percent count by that time. An election official told the
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SCMP that the final result wouldn't be announced until June 21. There
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were also reports of vote-buying by the incumbent Golkar Party of
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former dictator Suharto and of "logistical problems" such as defective ballots
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and "indelible ink" (designed to prevent multiple voting), which, in practice,
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"washed off voters' thumbs in minutes."
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An
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editorial in the Jakarta Post declared the elections "a triumph for the
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Indonesian people and democracy," but in light of predictions that Golkar would
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poll strongly in the country's outer islands and might be able to hold on to
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power with the help of small Islamic parties, the Post said, "It would
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be a hollow victory and a terrible irony if our exercise in democracy failed to
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produce the very goal of the whole process: Voting out the status quo and
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putting a proreform government in its place."
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Although Indonesia is 85 percent Muslim, the state ideology of "Pancasila"
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declares it to be a secular nation. As a piece in
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Wednesday's International
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Herald Tribune noted, "politicians, business interests and foreign
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governments are watching to see whether Islamic political parties gain ground"
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in the polling. Twelve of the 48 parties contesting the election are
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Muslim-based, and some want to make Islam the country's established religion.
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In the final weeks of the campaign, two religious groups called on the faithful
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to support Muslim-affiliated parties, which was seen by many observers as an
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attempt to undermine front-runner Megawati Sukarnoputri, the leader of the
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Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle and daughter of Sukarno, Indonesia's
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founding president. The story reported that there was a clash last week in
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Sulawesi between Muslim students, who questioned whether Indonesian Muslims
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would accept a female president, and supporters of Megawati. The Straits
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Times editorialized that "Indonesians are free to vote for any party they
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want, but that choice should be based on what unites them as Indonesians with
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non-Muslims, not what separates them."
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Although it now appears that in last week's South African election the African
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National Congress failed by one seat to reach the two-thirds majority that
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would have given it the power to change the constitution, editorials supported
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President-elect Thabo Mbeki. Wednesday the Pioneer of India
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welcomed Mbeki's "Africanist" agenda: "Immediately after the
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dismantling of Apartheid, [Nelson] Mandela's main message was one of
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reconciliation among races. Five years later, Mbeki's must be to Africanize. It
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must be Mbeki's concern and responsibility to take a firmer stance on Black
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empowerment in every shape or form." Giving a positive spin to Mbeki's
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perceived "grayness" compared with his predecessor, the Pioneer said,
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"Mandela will be missed, of course. On the other hand, perhaps, South Africa
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may even be able to get a clearer view of its harsh realities, and its uphill
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tasks, without his overarching charisma. As we in India know only too well, in
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this process, charisma, sometimes, can play saboteur."
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One leader not faring so
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well this week was Britain's Queen Elizabeth, who celebrates her "official
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birthday" Saturday. The Sydney Morning Herald attacked the "dour new image" of the monarch on Australia's new
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coins, even mentioning her "double chin." The Herald complained that the
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money carries "the visage of an old woman"--hardly surprising since the queen
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is 73. Meanwhile, in New Zealand, the Press of Christchurch was underwhelming in its support
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of the sovereign. Under the headline "Why we still need the Royals," a
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columnist wrote, "It's not so much that we've gone off the Royal family, we
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have merely outgrown them. ... [Britain] is such an integral part of our
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history and our culture, I cannot envisage us formally breaking all our ties.
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If the Spice Girls did not push us to the brink, nothing will."
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