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The Ending of the Black Underclass, Part XVIII
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According to tabulations obtained exclusively by kausfiles from
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sources deep within the federal government, the percentage of the
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African-American population on welfare is at its lowest level in at least 15
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years, and probably its lowest level since the early 1970s. This "dependency
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rate" (or "recipiency rate," for the PC-inclined) was calculated by comparing
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the number of welfare cases with the number of adults (age 15-49) in the
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population. Here are the numbers for non-Hispanic blacks:
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Year Dependency rate*
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1983
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9.7
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1984
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9.3
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1985
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10.4
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1986
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10.2
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1987
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9.7
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1988
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9.7
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1989
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10.2
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1990
140
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11.0
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1991
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11.5
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1992
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11.3
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1993
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11.1
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1994
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10.9
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1995
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10.6
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1996
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9.7
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1997
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8.4
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1998
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7.0
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You get the picture. Welfare dependency among blacks remained at a high
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level until 1995, the year before the welfare system was radically reformed
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(when there was already a lot of talk of reform in the air). Since then, the
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African-American dependency rate has plummeted 34 percent. There's no reason to
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think the drop stopped in 1999.
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Is the black dependency rate the lowest ever? Probably not, for the simple
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reason that before the "welfare explosion" of the late 1960s, many poor blacks
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were blocked or discouraged from receiving welfare. It's hard to know for
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sure--due to a change in record-keeping practices, there aren't strictly
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comparable numbers from before 1983. But a very crude back-of-envelope
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calculation suggests that the black dependency rate in 1967 was somewhere
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around 5 percent, and that it then more than doubled, to around 12 percent, by
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1973, when the welfare caseload stabilized. That would make the current rate
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the lowest since the early '70s or even the late '60s.
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Politically sensitive officials, including those in the Clinton
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administration, may not want to publicize these encouraging statistics, because
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they also show that the black dependency rate, even at 7 percent, remains far
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higher than the white rate (which is 1.1 percent). But so what? The black
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dependency rate has always been much higher than the white rate, at least since
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the welfare explosion. This is one reason why the "underclass," as measured by
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scholars such as William Julius Wilson, Isabel Sawhill, and Ron Mincy, has been
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a majority-black problem.
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And that's the point. The existence of a largely black, welfare-dependent
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"underclass"--and the way it reinforces stereotypes about all blacks and
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poisons race relations--has been America's greatest social problem. What the
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plunging dependency rate suggests is that this problem may be on its way to
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being radically ameliorated, if not solved. A smaller portion of blacks on
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welfare means not only a smaller underclass; it means more working and
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middle-class role models. It means there is a much greater chance that the
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latter two groups will eventually swamp and assimilate the former. (Might the
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drop in black dependency just record people who are being pushed off welfare
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into poverty? It could, but it almost certainly doesn't. Black poverty and
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black child poverty have been falling. Click here for more on this
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issue.)
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Can a favorable "tipping point" be far away? Things seem to be finally
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getting better very fast.
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[* Methodological fine print: "Welfare" means Aid to Families with
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Dependent Children (AFDC) or its successor program, Temporary Assistance for
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Needy Families (TANF). For various technical reasons, it is difficult to
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exactly compare the number of people (including children) on welfare with the
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total African-American population (including children) over time. As noted, the
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table above instead compares the number of African-American welfare "cases"
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with the adult population. Typically there is only one adult per welfare
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"case," but not always--for example, under some conditions, two-parent families
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qualify for welfare. There may be also be one, or two, or more children in a
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single "case." The "case" numbers also include cases in which technically only
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a child receives welfare--although typically there is also an adult in the
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household. ]
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